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FOREIGN  COXSPIRACY 


AGAINST   THB 


LIBERTIES 


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THE  :U:N-ITE-D-  STATES. 


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THEi  IILMBJRS'fNDE^l  TiiE  SiGNATLIre'oF 

BRUTUS, 

ftn«5jNALLY  PUBLISHED  IN  THE  NEW  YORK  OBSERVER. 

REVISED  AMU  CORRECTED,  ^V^T^  NOTES,  BY  THE  AUTHOR, 

SAMUEL  F.  B.  MORSE,  A.  M. 

President  of  the  National  Academy  of  I).-?!<7n,  ai)d  Prof^-ssor  of  the  Arts  of 
Design  in  the  University  of  the  Ciiy  of  New  York. 

■  Ofl  fire  is  wi'.iiotit  smoke,  r 


And  peril  wiliiuul  bliuw. 

Spincer. 


SEVENTH  EDITION 


NEW- YORK:  v;^-- 

PUBLISHED    BY 

THE   AMERICAN  AND   FOREIGN   CHRISTIAN   UNION,* 
No    17  Beekman-street. 


D.  Fanshaw,  Print.  35  Aim-sL  cor.  of  Nassau. 

1852. 


Ehtehed, 

According  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1S33, 

1o  Un  CleiL  a  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  southern  distric«  of 

New  Yobk. 


0TBREOTYPED   BY   F.   F.   RXPIJI\ 

NEW  youK. 


RECOMMENDATIONS. 


New  York,  Jan.  1,  1S35. 
Gentlemen,— Learning  that  you  are  about  to  publish  in  a  small  vol- 
ume, the  articles  signed  Brutus,  (which  recently  appeared  in  the 
New  York  Observer,  showin;i  that  a  conspiracy  is  formed  agauist  the 
United  States  by  the  Pai>al  powers  of  Europe,)  the  undersigned,  who 
road  those  articles  with"  interest,  have  great  satisfaction  in  express- 
in"  their  approbation  of  your  undertaking.  These  articles  are  writ- 
ten  by  a  gentleman  of  intelligence  and  candor,  who  has  resided  in 
the  south  of  Europe,  and  enjoyed  the  best  opportunities  for  acquaint- 
ance with  the  topics  on  which  he  writes.  .  ,  t> 

While  we  disapprove  of  harsh,  denun.-.iatory  language  toward  Ro- 
man Catholics,  their  past  history,  and  the  fact  that  they  everywhere 
act  toceiher,  as  if  guided  bv  one  mind,  admonish  us  to  be  jealous  of 
their  mllupnce,  and  to  waich  with  unremitted  care  all  their  move- 
ments in  relation  to  our  free  institutions.  As  this  work  is  now  to  be 
published  in  a  portable  form,  and  with  additional  notes  by  the  author, 
we  hope  it  may  obtain  an  exten.sive  circulation  and  a  careful  perusal. 
Yours,  with  friendly  regard, 

James  Milnor,  N.  Bangs, 

Thomas  De  Witt,     Jonathan  Going. 
•  •  The  gentlemen  who  have  signed  the  above  letter,  represent 
four   Protestant  denominations,  viz.,  the   Episcopal,   Presbyterian, 
Methodist,  and  Baptist. 

£xtiact  from  Zioi.'s  Herald,  a  Methodist  paper,  published  in  Bn!=ton,  Mass. 

"Foreign  Conspiracy.— We  commence  to-day  publishing  this  in- 
terestin'T  series.  The  author  is  an  American,  who  has  resided  tor  a 
long  tiure  in  Italy  and  Austria.  The  same  day  that  we  had  decided  to 
publish  them,  we  received  a  note,  signed  by  Rev.  Messrs.  Lindsey, 
Fillmore,  Kent,  and  Stevens,  recommending  and  requesting  that  they 
should  appear  in  the  Herald." 

Recommendations  since  the  Publication  of  the  First  Edition. 
The  author  of  a  little  volume  just  pubhshed  in  this  ciry,  entitled 
«'Forei<fn  Conspiracy  against  the  Liberties  of  the  United  States,"  is 
a  gentleman  personally  known  to  us,  and  universally  esteemed.  We 
conimend  this  volume  to  the  serious  attention  of  all  Americans 
who  love  liberty,  and  mean  to  maintain  it.  The  author  undertakes 
to  show  that  a  conspiracy  against  the  liberties  of  this  Republic  is 
now  in  full  action,  imder  the  direction  of  the  wily  Prince  MetternicU 
of  Austria,  who,  knowing  the  impossibility  of  obliterating  th.s  trou- 
blesome example  of  a  great  and  free  nation  by  force  of  arms,  is  at- 
temptincT  to  accomplish  his  object  througli  the  agency  of  an  army  of 
Jesuits  '  The  array  of  farts  and  arguments  going  to  prove  the  exist- 
ence of  such  a  conspiracy,  will  astoni.sh  any  man  who  opens  the 
book  with  the  same  incredulity  as  we  did.  The  author  has  travelled 
extensively  in  Europe— has  resided  many  months,  if  not  many  years, 
in  Italy— and  understands  fidl  well  the  kind  of  inachinerv  which  the 
politico-religious  despots  of  the  Old  World  would  be  likely  tp  put  in 
motion  for  the  subversion  of  our  liberties.  He  has  taken  hold  of  the 
subject  with  a  strong  hand,  and  if  he  has  not  proved  the  existence  of 
a  conspiracy,  he  has  certainly  proved  an  immense  accumulation  o( 
foreign  despotic  influence  among  us,  particularly  in  the  VVest,  by 
means  of  priests  and  money  sent  here  from  foreign  despotic  coun- 


1 


4  RECOMMENDATIONS. 

tries.  And  he  has  further  proved,  that  the  personal  iiifliience  am) 
pecuniary  aid  of  the  Emperor  of  Au-slria  and  ins  ])riri(:iiuil  .Miiii.-sicr, 
as  well  as  many  of  his  sultjects,  is  directed  wiili  uuceusiui;  assiiiuity 
to  maintain  the  fooUiold  Ihey  have  oained,  and  to  s[ireait  the  couia- 
pion  of  their  doctrines  througliout  this  fair  Republic.  We  ask  afiain, 
that  if  any  are  disposed  to  regard  this  subject  as  of  little  inipijrlauce, 
they  will  give  to  the  "Foreign  Conspiracy"  a  serious  and  attentive 
perusal. — A'.  Y.  Journal  of  Commerce. 

"  The  author,  well  and  alike  known  to  us  as  an  accomplished 
scholar  and  artist,  has  recently  returned  from  an  European  residence 
of  several  years,  during  which  period  he  became  in  various  ways 
possessed  of  facts  and  circumstances  inducing  him  to  believe  in  the 
real  and  substantial  existence  of  a  conspiracy,  which  he  has  attempt- 
ed to  expose.  When  he  commenced  his  labors,  we  frankly  told  him, 
in  repea'ed  conversations,  that  we  were  incredulous  of  the  fact  he 
was  maintaining  ;  but  we  are  free  to  confess  tliat,  in  the  course  of  his 
labors  he  has  brought  forward  a  mass  of  direct  and  circumstantial 
testimony,  documentary  and  otherwise,  which  has  left  a  strong  im- 
pression upon  our  minds,  that  after  all,  the  alarm  may  not  have  been 
Bounded  without  cause.  Events  have  also  transpired  in  our  own 
ctuntry,  which,  in  connexion  with  the  suspicious  movements  of  ex- 
otic prelates,  have  imparted  still  greater  importance  to  the  writings 
of  Brutus." — N.  Y.  Commercial  Advertiser. 

One  excellence  of  the  publication  before  us,  almost  peculiar  to  this 
writer,  when  compared  to  others  who  have  written  upon  this  subject 
in  our  country,  is,  that  it  handles  the  matter  of  discussion  with  calm- 
ness, the  writer  not  suffering  himself  to  indite  his  letters  under  the 
influence  of  exacerbated  feelings,  but  wisely  avoids  those  harsh  and 
blackening  epithets  which  do  more  to  irritate  the  passions  than  to 
convince  and  enlighten  the  judgment.  On  this  account  the  book  may 
be  read  with  profit  by  all— iV.  Y.  Christian  Advocate.    (Methodist.) 

"  We  would  briefly  observe  that  the  work,  as  it  is  now  revised  and 
corrected  by  the  author,  and  illustrated  by  him  with  an  Appendix  of 
valuable  notes,  seems  to  be  something  almost  altogether  new,  if  not 
as  to  the  substance,  at  least  as  it  respects  its  adventitious  embellish- 
mcnt.s  and  illustrations.  The  notes  of  the  Appendix  may  be  truly 
considered  as  so  many  rich  pearls,  which  set  off  a  figure  already  and 
altogether  prepossessing,  to  the  best  advantage. 

'•  The  author  manifests  the  spirit  of  a  Christian  on  every  page  ;  and 
although  he  develops  a  conspiracy  the  most  formidable  agairist  our 
liberties,  both  civil  and  religious,  not  a  vindictive  breath  ruffles  the 
fercnity  of  his  mind.  He  steps  forward,  conscious  of  the  rectitude 
ol  his  motives,  not  to  excite  a  false  alarm,  but  coolly  and  deliberately 
to  present  facts  to  our  view.  This  work,  in  regard  to  its  classical 
merits,  is  an  honor  to  American  genius.  The  style  is  smooth,  flow- 
ing, and  mellifluous.  It  is  like  a  garden  whose  walks  are  lined  with 
flowers,  where  those  who  would  imitate  the  industry  of  the  bee,  may 
find  a  rich  profusion  of  varied  sweets. 

"  On  reading  the  last  chapter  of  this  valuable  work,  wc  are  struck 
with  the  contrast  between  the  pacific  disposition  of  the  author,  and 
the  ruthless  spirit  which  characterizes  the  insidious  enemy,  whose 
machinations  iie  exposes." — N.  Y.  Downfall  of  Babylon.   (Presbyt.) 

The  letters  of  Brutus  deserve  an  extensive  circulation. — Missouri, 
St.  Louis  Observer.    (Presbyterian.) 

"From  what  I  have  seen  and  know,  the  fears  entertained  by  the 
writer  in  the  New  York  Observer,  under  the  caption  of  'Foreign 
Conspiracy,' A:c.,  are  not  without  foundation,  especially  in  the  West." 
'—Letter  of  a  Traveller  in  the  West.  (Maryland)  Methodist  Protestant. 


RECOMMENDATIONS.  5 

The  author  maintains,  that  what  is  called  the  Roman  Catholic  Reli- 
gion is  in  reality  a  political  despotism,  disguised  under  a  religious 
name.  We  ihinlc  lie  proves  it ;  and  also  that  the  leading  enemies  of 
free  institutions  in  Europe  are  encaged  in  organized  efforts  to  give 
that  despotism  prevalence  in  the  United  States.  The  author  has  not 
given  his  name  ;  but  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  state  that  he  has  been  in- 
timately acquainted  with  Popery  in  Europe. 

We  do  not  believe  that  the  progress  of  Popery  in  this  country  can 
be  checked  effectually  in  any  way  but  by  tlie  conversion  of  its  vota- 
ries. The  Gospel  must  be  prcaciied  to  the  Catholic  emigrant,  and  by 
its  influence  he  must  be  brought  to  repent  and  believe.  And  it 
Beems  evident  to  U5,  that  the  political  argument  is,  from  its  very  na- 
ture, incapable  of  exciting  men  to  the  effort  by  which  this  can  be  ac- 
complished. Preaching  the  Gospel  from  political  considerations  will 
not  convert  men.  We  think  that  writers  on  Popery  have  been  too 
unmindful  of  this  truth.  Yet  the  political  argument,  like  all  truth, 
has  its  value,  and  ought  not  to  be  neglected.  In  this  work  it  is  ad- 
mirably presented.  We  hope  it  will  be  widely  circulated  and  atten- 
tively read. — Massachusetts,  Boston  Recorder.    (Congregational.) 

"Brutus  has  published  his  'Conspiracy,'  &c.,  in  a  small  volume, 
accoinpanied  with  notes.  They  are  elaborate  and  eloquent  articles. 
I  hope  it  will  be  scattered  over  the  whole  country.  He  is  a  dis- 
tinguished scholar  and  artist  of  this  city,  and  has  his  information 
from  personal  observation,  while  in  Europe  a  few  years  since." — 
Letter  to  the  Editor  of  tlie  Mass.  Zion's  Herald.    (Methodist.) 

The  numbers  of  Brutus. — "  Our  readers  are  already  acquainted 
with  their  contents.  The  object  is  to  awaken  the  attention  of  the 
American  public  to  a  design,  supposed  to  be  entertained  by  the  des- 
potic governments  of  Europe,  particularly  of  Austria,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  his  Holiness  the  Pope,  to  undermine  gradually  our  free  in- 
stitutions by  the  promotion  oi  the  Catholic  religion  in  America. 
The  letters  are  interesting  from  the  numerous  facts  which  they  dis- 
close ;  and  are  deserving  the  careful  attention  of  the  citizens  of  these 
United  States,  who  should  guard  with  vigilance  the  sacred  trust 
which  has  been  confided  to  us  by  our  fathers." — N.  Y.  Weekly  Mess. 

"  Bruttts. — The  able  pieces  over  this  signature,  relative  to  the  de- 
signs of  Catholicity  in  our  highly  favored  land,  originally  published 
in  the  New  York  Observer,  it  is  now  ascertained  were  written,  not 
by  an  in<iividnal  who  was  barely  indulging  in  conjectures,  but  by  one 
who  has  witnessed  the  Papacy  in  all  its  deformity.  One  who  has,  not 
long  since,  travelled  extensively  in  the  Romish  countries,  and  has 
spent  much  time  in  the  Italian  States,  where  the  seat  of  the  Beast  is. 
Rome  is  familiar  to  him,  and  he  has  watched  the  movements  there 
with  great  particularity.  We  may,  therefore,  yield  a  good  degree  of 
credence  to  what  Brutus  has  told  us.  His  numbers  are  now  pub- 
Ushed  in  a  Pamphlet,  and  the  fact  which  has  just  come  out  in  regard 
to  his  peculiar  qualification  to  write  on  this  great  suoject,  will  give 
them  extensive  circulation." — Utica  Baptist  Register. 

The  work  imbodies  a  mass  of  facts,  collected  from  authentic 
sources,  of  the  deepest  intere.st  to  every  friend  of  civil  liberty  and 
Protestant  Christianity.  The  efforts  of  despotic  European  sovereigns, 
to  inoculate  our  country  with  the  religion  of  Roirie,  are  fully  proved. 
Could  they  succeed  in  these  efforts,  and  annihilate  the  spirit  of  lib- 
erty on  our  shores,  the  march  of  free  principles  in  our  own  domin- 
ions would  cease.  They  could  then  sit  s^'curely  on  their  thrones, 
and  rule  with  a  rod  of  iron  over  their  abject  vassals. — Ohio,  Cincin- 
nati Journal.    (Presbyterian.) 

1* 


CONTENTS. 


Phbfatort  Remarks. 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  first  impression  of  the  improbability  of  foreign  conspiracy  con- 
sidered—Present political  condition  of  Europe  favors  an  enterprise 
against  our  institutions— The  war  of  opinions  commenced— Des- 
potism against  Liberty— The  vicissitudes  of  this  war— The  official 
declaration  of  the  despotic  party  against  all  liberty— Necessity  to 
the  triumph  of  despotism,  that  American  hbertv  should  be  destroy- 
ed—The kind  of  attack  upon  us  most  hkely  to  be  adopted  from  the 
nature  of  the  contest— Particular  reasons  why  our  institutions  are 
obnoxious  to  the  European  governments— Has  the  attack  com- 
menced'? Yes!  by  Austria— through  a  Society  called  the  St. 
Leopold  FoundatioTir— Ostensibly  religious  in  its  designs 33 

CHAPTER  n. 

Political  character  of  the  Austrian  government,  the  power  attacking 
us— The  old  avowed  enemy  of  Pxotestanl  liberty— Character  of  the 
people  of  Austria— Slaves-Character  of  Prince  Metternich,  the 
arch-contriver  of  plans  to  stifle  liberty— These  enemies  of  all  lib- 
erty suddenly  anxious  for  the  civil  and  religious  liberty  of  the  Uni- 
ted States— The  absurdity  of  their  ostensible  design  exposed—The 
avowed  objects  of  Austria  in  the  Leopold  Foundation— Popery  the 
instrument  to  act  upon  our  institutions '42 

CHAPTER  m. 

Topery,  in  its  political,  not  its  religious  character,  the  object  of  the 
present  examination— The  fitness  of  the  instrument  to  accomphsh 
the  political  desiunsof  despotism  considered— The  principles  of  a 
despotic  and  free  government  briefly  contrasted— Despotic  prin- 
ciples fundamental  in  Popery— Proved  by  infaUible  testimony- 
Papal  claims  of  divine  right  and  plenitude  of  power  —  Abject 
principles  of  Popery  illustrated  from  the  Russian  catechism- 
Protestantism  from  its  birth  in  favor  of  liberty— Luther  on  the 
4th  of  July  attacked  the  presumptuous  clakn  of  divine  right — 
Despotism  and  Popery  hand  in  hand  against  the  liberty  of  con 
science,  liberty  of  opinion,  and  liberty  of  the  press— The  anti- 
republican  declarations  of  the  present  Pope  Gregory  XVI 49 


8  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  rV. 

The  cause  of  Popery  and  despotism  identical — Striking  difference  be- 
tween Popery  and  Protestantism  as  they  exist  in  tliis  country — 
American  Protestantism  not  controlled  by  Foreign  Protestantism^ 
American  Popery  entirely  under  foreign  control — Jesuits,  the  For- 
eign agents  of  Austria,  bound  by  the  strongest  ties  of  interest  to 
Austrian  policy,  not  to  American — Their  dangerous  power — unpar- 
alleled in  any  Protestant  sect — our  free  institutions  opposed  in  ihoir 
nature  to  the  arbitrary  claims  of  Popery — Duplicity  to  be  expected — 
Political  dangers  to  be  apprehended  from  Roman  Catholic  organiza- 
tion — American  Roman  Catholic  ecclesiastical  matters  uncontrolled 
by  Americans  or  in  America — managed  in  a  foreign  country,  by  a 
foreign  power,  for  political  purposes — Consequences  that  may  easi- 
ly  result  from  such  a  state  of  things 59 

CHAPTER  V. 

Points  in  our  political  system  which  favor  this  foreign  attack — Our 
toleration  of  all  religious  systems — Popery  opposed  to  all  toleration 
—  Charge  of  intolerance  substantiated— The  organization  of  Popery 
in  America  connected  with,  and  strengthened  by  foreign  organiza- 
tion— Without  a  parallel  among  Protestant  sects — Great  preponder- 
ance of  Popish  strength  in  consequence — The  divisions  among  Pro- 
testant sects  nullifies  their  attempts  at  combination — Taken  advan- 
tage of  by  Jesuits — Popish  duplicity  illustrated  in  its  opposite  allian- 
ces in  Europe  with  despotism,  and  in  America  with  democracy — 
The  laws  relating  to  emigration  and  naturalization  favor  foreiga 
attack — Emigrants  being  mostly  Catholic,  and  in  entire  subjection  to 
their  priests — No  remedy  provided  by  our  laws  for  this  alarming 
evil 64 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The  evil  from  emigration  further  considered — Its  political  bearings 
— The  influence  of  emigrants  at  the  elections — This  influence  con- 
centrated in  the  priests — The  priests  must  be  propitiated — By  what 
means — This  influence  easily  purchased  by  the  demagogue— The 
unprincipled  character  of  many  of  our  politicians  favor  this  foreign 
attack — Their  bargain  for  the  suffi-ages  of  this  priest-led  band — A 
church  and  state  party — The  Protestant  sects  obnoxious  to  no 
such  bargaining — The  newspaper  press  favors  this  foreign  attack — 
Froim  its  want  of  independence  and  its  timidity — An  anti-republican 
fondness  for  titles  favors  this  foreign  attack — Cautious  attempts  of 
Popery  to  dignify  its  emissaries,  and  to  accustom  us  to  their  high- 
sounding  titles — A  mistaken  notion  on  the  subject  of  discussing  jc- 
ligious  opinion  in  the  secular  journals  favors  this  foreign  attack — 
Political  designs  not  to  be  shielded  from  attack  because  cloaked  by 
religion 71 

It 

CHAPTER  Vn. 

The  political  character  of  this  ostensibly  religious  enterprise  proved 
from  the  letters  of  the  Jesuits  now  in  thi-s  country-Their  antipathy  to 
private  judg7nent — Their  anticipationsof  achange  in  our  form  of 
government — Our  government  declared  too  free  for  the  exercise  of 


CONTENTS.  9 

their  divine  rights — Their  political  partiailities — Tlielr  cold  acknow* 
ledgment  of  the  generosity,  andhberality,  andhospitality  of  ourgov. 
ernment — Their  estimate  of  our  condition  contrasted  with  their  esti- 
mate of  that  of  Austria — Their  acknowledged  allegiance  and  ser- 
villty  to  a  foreign  master — Their  sympathies  with  the  oppressor, 
and  not  with  the  oppressed — Their  direct  avowal  of  political  inten- 
tion  81 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Borne  of  the  means  by  which  Jesuits  can  already  operate  politically 
in  the  country — by  mob  discipline — By  priest  police — Their  great 
danger — Already  estabhshed — Proofs — Priests  already  rule  the 
mob — Nothing  in  the  principles  of  Popery  to  prevent  its  interfer- 
ence in  our  elections— Popery  interferes  at  the  present  day  in  the 
politics  of  other  countries — Popery  the  same  in  our  country— It 
interferes  in  our  elections — In  Michigan — In  Charleston,  S.  C. — In 
Ne%v  York — Popery  a  political  despotism  cloaked  under  the  name 
of  Religion — It  is  Church  and  State  imbodied— Its  character  at 
head-quarters,  in  Italy — Its  political  character  stripped  of  its  reli- 
gious cloak 89 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Evidence  enough  of  conspiracy  adduced  to  create  great  alarm— The 
cause  of  liberty  universally  demands  that  we  should  awake  to 
sense  of  danger — An  attack  is  made  which  is  to  try  the  moralstrengt 
of  the  republic— The  mode  of  defence  that  might  be  consistently 
recommended  by  Austrian  Popery — A  mode  now  in  actual  opera- 
tion in  Europe — Contrary  to  the  entire  spirit  of  American  Protest- 
antism— True  mode  of  defence — Popery  must  be  opposed  by  antag- 
onist institutions — Ignorance  must  be  dispelled — Popular  ignorance 
of  all  Papal  countries — Popery  the  natural  enemy  of  g^enerai  educa- 
tion— Popish  efforts  to  spread  education  in  the  United  States  de- 
lusive  99 

CHAPTER  X. 

All  classes  of  citizens  interested  in  resisting  the  efforts  of  Popery — 
The  unnatural  alliance  of  Popery  and  Democracy  exposed — Reli- 
gious liberty  in  danger — Specially  in  the  keeping  of  the  Christian 
community — They  must  rally  for  its  defence — The  secular  press 
has  no  sympathy  with  them  in  this  struggle,  it  is  opposed  to  them — 
The  Poi?7/ca/ character  of  Popery  ever  to  be  kept  in  mind,  and  op- 
posed— It  is  for  the  Papist,  not  the  Protestant,  to  separate  his  reli- 
gious from  his  political  creed — Papists  ought  to  be  required  pubhcly, 
and  formally,  and  officially  to  renyiMnce  foreign  allegiance,  and  anti 
repubhcan  customs 107 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Tne  question,  what  is  the  duty  oftlie  Protestant  community,  consider 
ed — Shall  there  bean  Anti-Popery  Union? — The  strong  manifestc 
that  might  be  put  forth  by  such  a  union — Such  a  political  union  dis- 
carded as  impolitic  and  degrading  to  a  Protestant  community — Gold- 


10  CONTENTS. 

en  opportunity  for  showing  the  moral  energy  of  the  Republic— 
The  lawful,  efficient  weapons  of  this  contest— Tc  be  used  without 
delay ....114 

CHAPTER  XII. 
The  political  duty  of  American  citizens  at  this  crisi^i 123 

Afpbmdix 128 


FOREIGN  CONSPIRACY 

AGAINST    THE 

LIBERTIES  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES. 

BY   BRUTUS. 


Preface  to  tlie  Second  Edition. 

The  great  and  increasing  attention  to  the  subject 
of  which  these  chapters  treat,  has  given  them  an  ex- 
tensive circulation.  A  large  edition  with  notes  has 
been  rapidly  sold,  and  two  editions  of  the  numbers, 
as  they  originally  appeared  in  the  New-York  Obser- 
ver, have  been  printed  in  the  Valley  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, at  the  expense  of  patriotic  Associations,  and 
distributed  throughout  the  western  country.  A  larger 
and  cheaper  edition  is  now  demanded,  for  general 
distribution,  by  numerous  citizens  belonging  to  vari- 
ous religious  and  opposite  political  sects. 

The  author  has  w^atched  with  more  than  ordinary- 
solicitude,  the  movements  throughout  the  country,  in 
relation  to  this  exciting  subject,  and  has  anxiously 
hoped  that  facts  would  transpire,  which  would  prove 
that  the  charge  of  Conspiracy  against  the  Liberties 
of  the  United  States,  conducted  by  the  agents  and 
funds  of  foreign  powers,  was  groundless.  Gladly 
would  he  make  any  personal  sacrifice  of  feeling,  and 
endure  the  stigma  of  being  accounted  a  visionary  or 
an  alarmist,  if  satisfactory  counter-testimony  could 
be  adduced  that  might  safely  allay  the  fears  that 
have  been  generally  excited,  and  which  every  one 
must  allow  are  at  least  plausibly  grounded.  On  the 
contrary,  he  is  compelled  to  say,  that  the  course  of 
events,' and  further  investigation,  have  brought  full 
confirmation  to  the  truth  of  the  charge. 

No  one  who  has  turned  his  attention  to  the  subject 
can  fail  to  have  observed  that  the  Roman  Catholic 
journals  preserve  a  rigid  silence  on  thesubject  of  the 
Austrian  St.  Leopold  Foundation,  and  the  alleged 
conspiracy  against  our  civil  institutions,  through  the 


12  PRKI'ACE. 

instrumentality  of  the  Catholic  religion.  Would  an 
accusation  that  was  groundless,  so  seriously  implica- 
ting any  Protestant  sect  with  foreign  political  move- 
ments, be  suffered  to  agitate  the  whole  country  for 
live  or  six  moi  tr.s,  without  producing  from  the  sect 
thus  accused  a  prompt  and  satisfactory  explanation? 
No  publication  of  the  Roman  Catholics  attempting 
to  refute  the  charge  has,  to  the  author's  knowledge, 
been  put  forth,  nor  has  there  been,  (with  a  single  ex- 
ception, which  he  will  presently  examine,)  any  dis- 
claimer of  principles  hostile  to  our  free  institutions. 
Silence,  it  Vvoald  seem,  has  been  the  word  of  com- 
mand on  this  subject,  from  head-quarters  ;  and  from 
Maine  to  Louisiana,  throughout  the  Roman  Catholic 
ranks,  with  that  perfectness  of  discipline  for  Avhicl 
this  despotic  sect  is  famous,  the  Avord  of  command  is 
strictly  obeyed.  Neither  in  the  daily  political  jour- 
Dais  under  their  inlluence  (and  there  are  many  that 
tire  evidently  in  their  interest)  has  there  appeared 
any  thing  in  the  way  of  refutation  of  the  charge  of 
conspiracy,  except  a  sneer  at  its  improbabilitv,  or  a 
gratuitous  imputation  of  bigotry  and  intolerance, 
against  the  writer. 

Many  who  think,  with  the  author,  that  there  Is  im- 
minent danger  to  our  free  institutions  from  the  in- 
crease of  foreign  Catholics,  and  from  their  despotic 
organization  throughout  these  States,  are  yet  unwil- 
ling to  believe  that  Austria  and  other  foreign  despotic 
powers  can  have  any  settled  design  to  subvert, 
through  the  instrumentality  of  the  Catholic  religion, 
(he  Democratic  institutions  of  the  country.  Had  any 
thing  more  than  mere  dissent  on  this  charge  been 
hazarded,  the  author  could  better  strengthen  any  as- 
sailed point.  He  is  not  aware  of  any  w^eak  spot  in 
the  chain  of  argument,  or  in  the  evidence  by  which 
he  sustains  his  owm  belief,  and  he  therefore  must 
have  recourse  to  conjecture  for  possible  objections  to 
its  general  credence. 

What  c(3ncurrence  of  circumstances,  aside  from 
confession  oftheplot.  is  sufficient  to  prove  conspiracy? 

Is  not  the  case  proved  if  it  can  be  shown, 


PREFACE.  13 

1st.  That  there  exists  an  adequate  motive  to  con- 
spire ? 

2d.  That  there  exists  ample  means  wherewith  to 
conspire  ? 

And  3d.  That  means  capable  of  accomplishing 
the  object  of  conspiracy  are  actually  employed  by 
those  whose  interest  it  is  to  conspire  ? 

No  one  in  the  case  before  us  can  expect  a  confes- 
sion from  the  conspirators ;  let  us  have  recourse 
then  to  the  test  proposed. 

1.  Have  Austria  and  the  Holy  Alliance  an  ade- 
quate motive  for  conspiring  against  the  liberties  of 
the  United  States  ?  Can  there  be  a  stronger  motive 
than  that  of  self-preservation?  So  certain  as  this 
country  exists  in  prosperity  under  its  present  demo- 
cratic form  of  government,  just  so  certain  will  its 
example  operate  on  the  people  of  Europe,  as  it  has 
for  two  centuries  operated,  and  is  now  in  an  acceler- 
ated degree  operating,  to  subvert  the  ancient  oppres- 
sive systems  of  government  of  the  old  world.  The 
strongest  motive,  therefore,  that  can  influence  gov- 
ernments as  well  as  individuals,  that  of  self-preser- 
vation^ impels  Austria  and  the  other  despots  of  Eu- 
rope to  seek,  by  any  means  in  their  potoer,  the  sub- 
version of  this  government. 

2.  Have  they  the  means  to  conspire?  No  one  can 
doubt  that  the  usual  means  of  conspiracy,  money ^  and 
intriguing  agents^  are  perfectly  at  the  command  of 
those  governments  who  can  lavish  their  millions  for 
the  sole  purpose  of  protecting  their  thrones,  who  keep 
in  their  pay  for  this  vital  object,  standing  armies,  and 
a  police  of  lens  of  thousands  of  spies. 

3.  Have  they  then  employed,  or  are  they  actually 
employing  means  capable  of  accomplishing  their  ob- 
ject in  this  country  ?  Austria,  in  a  combination  with 
other  powers,  called  the  St.  Leopold  Foundation,  has 
sent,  and  is  still  sending  both  money  and  agents  to 
this  country  ;  the  former  comes  in  the  shape  of  reli- 
gious contributions  to  this  St.  Leopold  Foundation,  the 
Society  in  Vienna,  established  with  express  refer- 
ence  to  operations  in  the  United  States  ;  the  latter 

2 


14  PREFACK. 

come  from  the  same  quarter,  in  the  shape  of  hun- 
dreds of  Jesuits  and  priests;  a  class  of  men  notori- 
ous for  their  intrigue  and  political  arts,  and  who  have 
a  complete  military  organization  through  the  United 
States.  The  Catholic  religion  is  the  cloak  which 
covers  the  design. 

All  the  circumstances,  therefore,  necessary  lo  prove 
conspiracy,  concur  in  fixing  this  charge  upon  Austria, 
and  her  associates  in  that  Union  of  Christian  Prin- 
ces, combined  in  the  St,  Leopold  Foundation.  Is 
there  any  defect  in  the  test  I  have  applied,  or  in  its 
application  ?  Will  it  be  said,  that  by  this  rule  the 
United  Slates  can  be  proved  to  have  politically  con- 
spired against  India;  because  Protestant  American 
Missionaries  have  been  sent  to  India,  to  convert  the 
people  to  Christianity  ?  Let  us  apply  the  test,  and  see 
if  conspiracy  can  be  proved.  Aside  from  the  fact 
that  the  United  States  as  a  government  cannot,  as  do 
other  governments,  engage  in  a  religious  enterprise, 
the  peculiarity  in  its  principles  of  the  separation  of 
Church  and  State,  making  it  unconstitutional,  and 
therefore  impossible,  I  ask  what  adequate  motive  ex- 
ists here  for  such  a  crusade  ?  what  have  the  United 
States  to  fear  politically  from  India  ?  It  is  scarcely 
necessary  to  answer,  nothing.  The  proof  fails,  there- 
fore, in  the  first  rule,  in  regard  to  conspiracy  by  the 
United  States. 

But  some  may  say,  although  we  can  easily  per- 
ceive that  the  Austrian  system  and  our  own  are  di- 
ametrically opposed,  and  that  it  may  be,  therefore,  in 
a  general  sense,  for  the  interest  of  Austria  to  extin- 
guish the  liberties  of  this  country,  yet  where  is  your 
proof  that  she  has  ever  so  far  interested  herself  in  the 
political  character  of  this  country,  or  considered  the 
example  of  this  government  in  so  alarming  a  light, 
as  to  make  it  a  serious  object  to  destroy  its  influence 
on  Europe?  Can  you  prove  that  she  has  ever  con- 
sidered American  institutions  so  dangerous  to  the  ex- 
istence of  her  own,  as  to  authorize  you  to  use  so 
strong  terms  as  self-preservation,  in  relation  to  the 
degree  of  interest  she  has  in  the  event  expected,  and 


PUEFACE. 


15 


conspiracy  in  relation  to  measures  she  is  using,  m 
this  country  ?  These  are  important  points,  and  I  will 
examine  them.  As  to  the  use  of  the  term  se//-/)re- 
servalion,  it  might  be  a  sufficient  justification  to  re- 
fer generally  to  the  Austrian  policy,  in  regard  to  a!'.- 
countries,  over,  and  in  which  she  can  exercise  an'^ 
control.  Her  interference  in  Saxony,  (see  page  48,) 
to  control  the  press,  on  the  principle  of  self-preserva- 
tion, is  a  case  in  point  ;  but  her  interference  at  this 
moment  to  resist  the  progress  of  democratic  opinions 
in  Switzerland  on  the  same  principle,  fully  proves 
that  she  is  sensibly  alive  to  every  movement  in  the 
political  world  which  tends  in  the  slightest  degree  to 
weaken  the  structure  of  her  arbitrary  system. 

As  to  the  other  term,  conspiracy,  if  any  still 
think  it  too  strong  in  relation  to  the  operations  of 
Austria  in  this  country,  I  trust  their  opinion  will  be 
changed  by  considering  the  following  facts: — 

In  the  year  1828,  the  celebrated  Frederick  Schlegel, 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  literary  men  of  Europe,^ 
delivered  lectures  at  Vienna,  on  the  Philosophy  of 
History,  (which  have  not  been  translated  into  Eng- 
lish,) a  sreat  object  of  which  is  to  show  the  mutual 
support  ichich  Popery  and  Monarchy  derive  from 
each  other.     He  commends  the  two  systems  in  con- 
nexion, as    deserving   of  universal   reception.     Ha 
attempts  to  prove  that  sciences,  and  arts,  and  all  the 
pursuits  of  man  as  an  intellectual  being,  are  best 
promoted  under  this  perfect  system  of  church  and 
state  ;  a  Pope  at  the  head  of  the  former ;  an  Em- 
peror at  the  head  of  the  latter.     He  contrasts  \vhh 
this,  the   system  of  Protestantism  ;  represents  Pro- 
testantism as  the  enemy  of  good  government,  as  the 
ally  of  Republicanism,  as  the  parent  of  the  distresses 
of  Europe,  as  the  cause  of  all  the  disorders   with 
which  legitimate  governments  are  afflicted.     In  the 
close  of  lecture  ITth,  vol.  ii.  p.  286,  he  thus  speaks 
of  this  country  : — "  The  true  nursery  of  all  these  • 
destructive  principles,   the  revolutionary  school  -^ 
for   France   and   the   rest   of   Europe,  has   been 
North  America.     Thence  the  evil  has  spread  over" 


16  PREFACE, 

'     many  other  lands,  either  by  natural  contagion,  or 
by  arbitrary  communication.^^ 

Let  it  be  remembered  that  it  was  in  Vienna,  in 
182S,  where    opinions   so  flattering  to  the  pride   of 
legitimacy  Avere    publicly  preached    by   one   of  the 
first  scholars  of  the  age,   where  the  United  States 
was   held  up  to  the  execration  of  his  Austrian  audi- 
tors as  the  '•  nursery  of  destructive  'principlesy  as 
ihe  "  revolutionary  school  for  Europe,^''  as,  in  truth, 
the  great  central  fire  which  threatened  the  rest  of  the 
world,   and  which  must  be   put   out,  ere  European 
governments  could  rest  in  safety.     Let  it  then  also 
"^  be   borne  in  mind   that  it  was  in  Vienna,  in   1829, 
^  immediately  after  these  opinions  were  promulgated, 
^while  the  influence  of  Schlegel's  eloquent  appeals 
"^^was   still  fresh,   that   the  St.  Leopold  Foundation 
was  set  on  foot  for  the  purpose  [to  use  the  language 
\  of  its  own  reports]  ^''of  promoting  the  greater  activ- 
itij  of  Catholic  missions  in  the  United  States." 

Here,  then,  we  have  doctrines  advanced  in  Aus- 
tria, that  Monarchy  and  Popery  mutually  sustain 
each  other,  that  Republicanism  and  Protestaiitism 
also  mutually  sustain  each  other,  and  that  the  great 
niftsery  of  this  hated  Republicanism  is  these  United 
States;  and  immediately  consequent  on  the  promul- 
gation of  these  opinions,  a  great  Society  is  formed, 
with  the  Emperor  of  Austria  for  its  patron,  the 
counsellor  of  State,  Prince  Metternich,  its  grand 
^manager,  and  all  the  officers  of  State  the  zealous 
promoters  of  the  design,  and  engaged  in  the  instant 
vigorous  diffusion  of  Popery  in  this  country.  Now 
what  is  the  intention  of  Austria  in  spreading  in  this 
country  Popery,  the  natural  ally  of  Monarchical 
government?  With  the  facts  of  the  case  before 
them,  the  people  will  not  be  slow  in  forming  their 
judgment  of  the  nature  of  this  ostensibly  religious 
enterprise,  and  whether  the  term  conspiracy  is  too 
strong  to  apply  to  this  insidious  attempt. 

But  who,  after  all,  is  Frederick  Schlegel?  He 
may  be  a  great  scholar,  but  what  is  his  situation 
that  so  much  weight  is  to  be  attached  to  his  opin- 


PREFACE.  17 

ions  ?  I  will  give  my  readers  a  brief  account 
of  him,  abridged  from  the  Encyclopedia  America- 
na, (edited  by  a  German.)  sufficient  to  enable  them 
to  judge  if  too  much  stress  is  laid  upon  his  opin- 
ions. "Frederick  Schlegel,  (one  of  the  great  lite- 
rary stars  of  Germany,)  went  over  to  the  Catholic 
faith,  at  Cologne,  and  in  the  year  ISOO  repaired 
to  Vienna.  In  1809,  he  received  an  appointment  at 
the  head-quarters  of  the  Archduke  Charles,  where 
he  drew  up  several  powerful  proclamations.  When 
peace  was  concluded,  he  again  delivered  lectures  in 
Vienna  on  modern  history  and  the  literature  of  all 
nations.  In  1812,  he  published  the  German  Museum, 
and  gained  the  conjidence  of  Prince  Metternich  by 
various  diplomatic  papers,  in  consequence  of  which 
he  was  appointed  Austrian  counsellor  of  legation  at 
the  Diet  in  Frankfort.  In  1818,  he  returned  to 
Vienna,  where  he  lived  as  Secretary  of  the  Court, 
and  Counsellor  of  Legation,  and  published  a  view 
of  the  Present  Political  .Re/a?/o«5  [of  Austria,]  and 
his  complete  works."  In  1828,  he  delivered  his  lec- 
tures on  the  Philosophy  of  History,  in  which  his 
views  as  I  have  stated  them  are  fully  developed. 

This  is  the  man  i^'Kuse  opinions  on  the  relation  of 
Popery  and  Monarchy,  and  of  Protestantism,  and 
Republicanism,  and  of  ihe  influence  of  the  United 
States,  have  been  followed  by  the  action  of  the  Aus- 
trians,  in  the  formation  of  the  St.  Leopold  Founda- 
tion. He  was  part  and  parcel  of  thr,  government, 
he  was  ONE  OF  the  Austrian  Cabinet,  the  confi- 
dential Counsellor  of  Prince  Metternich  ! 

Let  me  now  examine  matters  nearer  home.  How 
far  are  the  Roman  Catholics  of  this  country  to  be 
considered  as  implicated  in  this  Conspiiacy  ?  This 
is  indeed  a  grave  question,  and  one  which  demands 
serious  attention,  lest  ^ve  should  be,  on  the  one  hand, 
too  regardless  of  danger  from  them,  and  on  the  other, 
unjust  to  those  who  are  innocent.  We  are  told  that 
they  disclaim  hostility  to  our  free  government,  that 
they  profess  the  warmest  friendship  to  our  demoH 
cratic  institutions.  I  readily  concede  that  there  has\ 
2*  .     \ 


18  PREFACE. 

been,  and  are  now,  many  true  patriots  among^  this 
sect,  many  estimable  men  of  sound  political  views,, 
sincere  in  supporting  ihe  democratic  institutions  oi 
the  country  ;  but  making  the  most  ample  allowance, 
they  are  but  exceptions  to  the  rule.     The  sect,  as  a 
sect,  is  still  justly  chargeable  with  the  tendency  of 
its  acknowledged  principles.     If  a  Roman  Catholic 
in  the  United  States  is  a  Democratic  Republican^ 
he  is  so  in  spite  of  and  in  opposition  to^  the  system 
of  his  churchy  and  not  in  accordance  with  if.     To 
the  truth  of  this  fact,  the  arguments  of  Schlegel,  a 
Catholic,  and  the  profoundest  investigator  of  the  sub 
ject  in  the  present  age,  are  unanswerably  conclusive 
From  their  principles  of  passive  obedience,  and  the 
denial  of  the  right  of  private  judgment  alone,  Ro 
man  Catholics,  as' a  sect,  must  be  ignorant  and  will 
ing  slaves  to  the  schen)es  of  any  despotic    ecclesi 
astic  that  ^  foreign  power  may  see  fit  to  send  to  this 
country  to  rule  over  thern.     The  secret  plans,  the 
real  designs  of  the  Jesuits  may  be  confined   to  feAV 
bosoms,  it  is  by  no  means  necessary  that  the  mass 
of  the  sect  should  have  any  knowledge  of  the  plot , 
for  from  the  nature  of  their  system  they  may  be  blind 
instruments  of  the  few. 

Popery  and  despotism  are  notoriously  united  m  the 
Austrian  government,  and  Protestantism  and  Re- 
publicanism in  that  of  the  United  States.  At  the 
ti'.r.e  I  adduced  arguments  to  prove  the  truth  of  these 
two  categories,  I  y/as  wholly  unapprized  that  so  dis 
tinguished  a  political  writer  as  Schlegei  had  taken 
the  same  view^s  of  these  opposite  systems,  to  rouse 
Austrians  to  the  defence  of  their  own  category.  A 
powerful  argument  is  derived  from  this  corroboration 
of  an  important  political  truth,  by  Schlegel,  who 
writes  in  the  interest  of  absolutism,  to  urge  all  true 
friends  of  liberty  on  this  side  of  the  water,  to  the 
vigorous  maintenance  of  the  American  category.  It 
is  a  truth  now  no  longer  to  be  questioned,  that  Po- 
pery is  so  naturally  the  ally  of  Absolute  government, 
that  the  diffusion  of  the  former  will  result  in  produ- 
cing the  latter  j  and  it  is  equally  true,  that  the  dif- 


PREFACE.  19 

fusion  of  Protestantism  will  result  in  the  producfion 
of  liberal  institutions.  What,  then,  is  the  duty  of 
Americans,  all  who  really  love  their  own  free  system 
of  government  ?  There  can  be  but  one  answer. 
They  must  unite  in  giving  every  facility  to  the  spread 
of  Protestant  principles.  Patriotism  demands  that 
every  Protestant  religious  sect  be  encouraged  to  pro- 
mote its  own  views,  each  according  to  the  dictates 
of  conscience  ;  and  patriotism  equally  demands  the 
discouragement^  in  every  lawful  way,  of  the  further 
introduction  of  Popery  and  Popish  influence  into  the 
country.  Popery  is  the  antagonist  to  o\xr  free  sys- 
tem. No  one  can  doubt  that  the  unusual  efforts  of 
despotic  foreign  governments  to  spread  Popery  in 
the  United  States,  has  for  its  principal  design  the 
subversion  of  our  republican  institutions.  Ought  a 
vaunted  but  spurious  charity  to  be  allowed  tJ  blind 
the  eyes  of  Americans  to  the  evidence  of  the  attack 
made  upon  them  ?  ought  they  to  aid  these  foreign 
conspirators,  by  adding  their  own  contributions  to 
the  means  of  spreading  Popery  ?  ought  they  to  en- 
courage the  schools  of  Jesuit  agents;  their  immoral 
nunnery  systems;  their  slave-making  seminaries,  by 
placing  American  children  within  the  pale  of  their 
discipline?  ought  they  to  court  Jesuit  influence  in 
our  politics,  and  screen  their  political  principles  from 
examination,  on  the  plea  that  this  is  merely  a  reli- 
gious controversy  ?  Let  patriotism  answer  these 
questions. 

I  will  now  examine  the  disclaimer  of  hostility  to 
our  republican  institutions,  (to  which  I  have  alluded,) 
made  in  behalf  of  the  Catholics  in  this  countrv,  by 
a  Catholic  journal.  As  a  Unitarian  paper  in  Bos- 
ton has  quoted  it  with  satisfaction,  I  give  it  here, 
with  the  Unitarian  editor's  remarks  prefixed  : — 

CATHOLIC    DISCLAIMER. 

"We  have  no  doubt  that  the  Roman  Catholics 
have  their  due  share  of  proselyting  spirit.  Some  of 
our  good  people,  clergy  and  laity,  would  have  a 
poor  opinion  of  their  sincerity  if  they  were  destitute 
of  that  spirit.      But  the  cry  is — '•  Corispiracy  against 


20  PREFACE. 

the  Liberties  of  the  United  States.'  Let  the  fol- 
lowing confession  of  political  faith  pass  for  what  it 
is  worth.  There  is  nothing  in  it  which  sounds  like 
what  we  call  by  the  odious  epithet  Jesuitical ;  and 
we  do  not  ourselves  question  the  sincerity  of  the 
avowal  with  which  it  closes;  an  avowal  similar  to 
one  which  Catholics  in  England  have  made  on  like 
occasions." —  Christian  Register. 

"  It  Avas  the  duty  of  the  Catholic  Church  to  perform 
the  funeral  offices  for  the  latest  representative  (Car- 
roll) of  those  who  signed  the  charter  of  our  liberties, 
and  struggled  to  raise  them,  on  their  present  basis  of 
equal  rights  for  all.  The  same  republican  opinions 
which  he  held,  the  Catholics  of  this  country  now 
hold.  They  ileem  the  constitution  as  sacred,  and 
the  laws  as  obligatory  in  the  spirit  and  in  the  letter, 
as  an^  portion  of  this  public  ;  and  were  an  eifort 
now  made  to  consolidate  religious  with  national 
government,  though  they  should  be  the  ruling  party, 
as  Americans,  as  freemen,  they  would  be  found  first 
in  the  ranks  to  oppose  such  an  alliance." — Catholic 
[  Cincinnati'\  Telegraph^ 

This  is  the  disclaimer,  the  only  one  I  have  yet 
seen,  and  which  seems  so  far  satisfactory  to  the 
Editor  of  the  Register,  that  he  sees  nothing  in  it 
which  "  sounds  Jesuitical."  To  me,  Jesuitism  wag 
never  more  evident.  It  is  permitted  to  scrutinize 
with  more  than  common  care,  a  Jesuit  document ; 
but  in  the  present  case  there  needs  no  scrutiny. 
The  trick  is  so  on  the  surface,  that  I  am  surprised  at 
the  blindness  of  any  one  who  professes  not  to  see  it. 
"  The  same  republican  opinions  which  he  (Carroll) 
held,  the  Catholics  of  this  country  now  hold,"  and 
"were  an  effort  now  made  to  consolidate  religious 
with  national  government,"  &c.  What  is  there  in 
this  disclaimer  which  could  be  brought  in  proof  of 
breach  of  faith,  or  even  of  inconsistency,  if  to-mor- 
row, or  at  any  future  period,  the  Roman  Catholics 
should  think  it  politic  to  hold,  that  "  a  system  of  go- 
vernnienf  (like  the  United  States.)  "ma?/  he  venj 
fine  in  theory  ;  very  fit  for  imilation  on  the  part 


PREFACE.  21 

of  ^^056  who  seek  the  power  of  the  mob,  in  contra- 
distinction  to  justice  and  the  pjiblic  interest;  but  it 
is  not  of  a  nature  to  invite  the  refecting  part  of 
the  world,  and  shoios,  at  least,  that  it  has  evils  ?" 
It  wjs  politic,  be  it  remarked,  bat  yesterday,  (before 
this  subject  had  created  so  much  excitement,)  for 
this  same  Catholic  Telegraph  to  hold  this  identical 
anti-republican,  anti-American  language,  with  the 
addition  of  his  opinion,  that  '•'the  system  of  Ameri- 
can Institvtions  was  condemned  by  numerous  other 
proofs."  To-day,  however,  the  Catholic  leaders  find 
it  politic  to  play  republican  ;  because  the  people  are 
wakinij  to  a  sense  of  danger  to  their  liberties,  and 
the  artifices  of  the  Jesuits  through  the  land  are  no 
longer  regarded  with  inditTerence. 

A  disclaimer  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  Cath.olics, 
of  hostility  to  republican  institutions,  is  a  matter  of 
loo  serious  importance,  just  now,  to  be  left  to  be  in- 
ferred from  ambiguous  expressions  ;  it  must  come  in 
a  more  formal  and  responsible  shape,  than  that  of  a 
paragraph  in  a  journal,  of  such  contradictory  views. 
A  disclaimer  of  anti-republican  principles,  of  prin- 
ciples in  direct  and  dangerous  opposition  to  those  of 
this  government,  with  v.'hich  the  Papal  system  is 
directly  and  distinctly  charged,  must  be  a  frank,  un- 
ambiguous manifesto,  that  will  bear  scrutiny,  issuing 
from  an  authority  unquestioned.  It  must  embrace 
a  disclaimer  o^  foreign  allegiance,  of  hostility  to 
freedom  of  the  press,  io  liberty  of  opinion,  to  liberty 
of  conscience.  It  must  contain  satisfactory  evidence 
that  these  anti-American  principles  are  expunged, 
and  expunged  for  ever,  from  the  Roman  Catholic 
system.  These  are  some  of  the  essential  points  to 
be  met,  and  they  must  be  met  without  evasion.  And 
until  this  is  done,  the  people  of  this  country  are  fairly 
borne  out  in  regarding  Roman  Catholics  essentially 
and  necessarily,  enemies  to  her  free  government^ 
and  most  especially  to  the  democratic  republican  in- 
stitutions of  this  country  ;  nor  will  they  be  blinded 
to  this  truth  by  the  representation  industriously 
pressed  upon  them,  that  the  Catholic  population  of 


22  PREFACE. 

this  country,  are  7iow,  (whether  trui^  or  feignedly. 
It  matters  not,)  in  favor  of  repuhlican  institutions,  or 
that  the  foreigners  among  them,  are  now  heard  more 
vociferous  than  native  citizens,  in  their  huzzas,  on 
all  patriotic  occasions,  and  in  praises  of  civil  and  re- 
ligious liberty. 

The  course  of  many  of  our  daily  journals,  on  this 
subject,  is  one  demanding  severe  reprehension  from 
the  American  people.    They  are  conspicuously  busy 
in  making  the  impression,  that  the  excitement  now 
general  through  the  country  respecting  Popery,  is 
the  result  of  a  sudden   disposition  to  persecute  the 
Catholics  ;  that  it  is  a  sectarian  and  proscriptive  war 
upon   them,  the  fruits  of  an  intolerant,  bigoted,  fa- 
natical spirit,  and  the  revival  of  ancient  prejudices. 
These  are  accusations  daily  reiterated.     We  have 
fallen  on  strange  times,  indeed,  when  subjects  of  the 
deepest  political  importance  to  the  country  may  not 
be  mooted  in  the  political  journals  of  the  day  with- 
out meeting  the  indiscriminating  hostility  and  de- 
nunciations of  such  journals;  without  hints  and  even 
threats  of  popular  vengeance,  unless  we  abstain  from 
discussing  exciting  subjects  ;  as  if  all  great  questions 
touching  our  liberties  could  be  otherwise  than  ex- 
citing. "Oue,  would  have  all  debating  societies  sup- 
pressed,  even   by  mobs.      Others    liberally  charge 
illiberality,  bigotry,  and  intolerance  on  all  who  ven- 
ture publicly  to  \yVite  against  Popery,  and  little  con- 
scious of  their  own  sins  of  the  same  character,  are 
bigoted  against  bigotry,  and  intolerant  againt  intoler- 
arTce.     Denunciations  like  these,  be  it  remarked,  are 
made  against  any  and  all  Protestant  sects,  while^ 
Popery  claims  with  them  an  exclusive  privilege  of 
exemption  from  attack.    Protestant  American  Chris- 
tianity all  over  the  land  may  be  gratuitously  charged 
with  the  local  sins  of  an  irreligious,  intemperate  mob, 
as  at  Charlestown  ;  American  citizens  may  be  sub- 
jected to  the  grossest  indignity  by  Pvoman  Catholics 
for  not  conforming  to  Popish  customs,  as  at  Cincin- 
nati ;  they  may  be  threatened  with  the  vengeance  of 
a  band  of  foreigners,  as  by  the  Superior  of  the  Ursu- 


PREFACE. 


23 


line  convent ;  they  may  be  disturbed  at  religious 
meetings,  and  forcibly  driven  into  the  streets  by  Ro- 
man Catholic  rioters,  as  in  New-York;  or  prevented 
from  peaceably  assembling  to  discuss  the  political 
question  of  Popery,  by  threats  of  outrage,  as  at  Phil- 
adelphia ;  and  in  these  cases,  where  are  the  sympa- 
thies of  the  press  ?     Does  it  raise  the  cry  of  illiber- 
aliiy,  and  intolerance,  and  persecution,  and  bigotry 
against  the  Roman  Catholic  aggressors  ;  does  it  de- 
fend the  sacred  right  of  freedom  of  discussion  thus 
alarmingly  invacjj^.     No  !  its  terms  of  reproach  are 
exclusively  reserved  for  those  who  venture  to  pub- 
lish these  acts.     These  are  epithets  suited  only  to 
those  Protestants  who  have  the  hardihood  to  main- 
tain that  American   necks  are  not  yet  prepared  to 
wear  the  Popish  yoke,  the  despotic  chain  offered  by 
Austria,  and  commended  to  them  by  the  royal  de- 
votees of  "  the  blessed  St.  Leopold."  '  But,  say  some,     . 
this  is  a  religious  controversy,  and  it  is  wrong  to 
discuss  it  in  the  daily  journals.'  Is  Popery  a  religious 
controversy  1     Let  us  see.     The  St.  Leopold  Foun- 
dation is  asserted   to  be  a  political  combination  of 
foreign   powers,   founded  with  a  view  to  the  over- 
throw of  our  republican  government.     If  despotism 
approaches  us  in  the  garb  of  religion,  is  it  the  less  to 
be  resisted  ?  Have  we  no  political  interest  in  the  truth 
or  falsity  of  this  fact  ?    Is  this  a  religious  or  a  polit- 
ical question  ?     The  agents  of  this  society  are  as- 
serted to  be  political  agents  sent  to  this  country  in 
the  disguise  of  religious  missionaries.     Is  this  a  re- 
ligious or  a  'political  question  ?     The  present  Pope 
asserts   his  claim  to  temporal,  as  well  as  spiritual 
jurisdiction  over  his  subjects  ;  this  jurisdiction  he 
now  exercises  in  other  countries.     Are  not  the  Ca- 
tholics of  this  country  the  subjects  of  the  Pope  :  do 
they  not  owe  him  an  allegiance  superior  to  any  due 
to  our  laws  ?  And  is  this  a  religious  or  a  political 
question?     Schools  are  establishing  in  all  parts  of''' 
the  country,  colleges,  convents,  and  seminaries,  by  ^ 
means  of  Austrian  money  in  the  hands  of  Jesuits. 
In  these  schools  a  system  of  education  is  devised  al- 


y 


24  PREFACE. 

together  different  from  our  own  school  system.  What 
is  the  nature  of  this  foreign  system?  Is  it  favorable 
or  adverse  to  liberty  ?  And  are  these  religious  or 
•political  questions  ?  Foreign  emigrants  are  flocking 
to  our  shores  in  increased  numbers,  two  thirds  at 
least  are  Roman  Catholics,  and  of  the  most  ignorant 
classes,  and  thus  pauperism  and  crime  are  alarmingly 
increased.  The  Irish  Catholics  in  an  especial  man- 
ner clan  tosrether,  keep  themselves  distinct  from  the 
American  family,  exercise  the  political  privileges 
granted  to  them  by  our  hospitality,^ot  as  Americans, 
but  as  Irishmen,  keep  alive  their  foreign  feelings, 
their  foreign  associations,  habits,  and  manners.  Is 
this  mixture  and  these  doings  favorable  or  unfavor- 
able to  American  character,  and  national  independ- 
ence ?  and  is  ihis  a  religious  or  a  political  question  1 
It  would  be  easy  to  add  to  this  list  of  questions  pure- 
ly political^  which  are  involved  in  the  mixed  system 
of  Popery  ;  and  are  editors  who  cry  out  against  the 
Popish  controversy  so  ill-informed  of  the  character 
of  this  Church  and  State  sect,  that  they  are  unable 
to  distinguish  the  political  from  the  religious  ques- 
tions ?  Has  Popery  so  cloaked  itself  in  sacredness, 
has  this  political  engine  of  foreign  despotism  so 
sanctified  its  very  name,  that  our  press  is  awe-struck 
at  its  movements,  and  cries  sacrilege  if  its  political 
claims  to  our  reception  be  in  the  slightest  degree 
disputed  ?  Whence  come  all  the  sorrows  and  regrets 
about  controversy,  and  lamentations  and  whinings 
about  intolerance,  because  freemen  are  jealous  of  the 
meddling  of  foreigners  in  our  concerns  ?  Is  this  dis- 
cussion of  the  political  principles  of  Popery  really 
ill-timed  and  gratuitous?  Who  has  provoked  it? 
What!  shall  foreign  powers  combine  together,  se- 
cretly and  openly  send  their  money  and  their  agents, 
to  spread  a  great  political  and  religious  system  over 
the  country  ;  a  system  notorious  for  enslaving,  im- 
poverishing, and  degrading  the  people  ;  shall  they 
build  their  means  of  attack  within  our  borders,  and 
American  freemen  be  rebuked  into  silence,  when 
they  venture  to  examme  the  chaiacter  of  this  foreiga 


PREFACE.  25 

enterprise,  and  to  question  the  pureiy  benevolent  na- 
ture of  their  imperial  majesties'  love  for  our  souls  7 
It  is  a  subject  of  deep  interest  indeed,  to  the  coni- 
munity,  to  know  how  far  our  press  is  inoculated  with 
this  no-controversy  spirit;  this  truly  papal  spirit; 
this  emphatically  anti-American  spirit.  How  is  it 
that  our  free  principles  of  government  have  been 
brought  out,  and  set  before  the  world,  but  by  free, 
unembarrassed  discussion  ;  by  controversy,  by  sharp 
controversy,  by  the  collision  of  intellect  with  intel- 
lect. It  is  in  the  skilful  conflict  of  mind  with  mind, 
that  truth  is  elicited  ;  it  is  by  the  friction  of  keen  de- 
bate, that  the  rust  of  error  is  kept  from  gathering  over, 
and  corroding  away  vital  truths.  Better,  far  better, 
occasionally  to  endure  even  the  excesses  of  the  storm, 
so  necessary  to  scatter  the  noxious  vapors  of  the  at- 
mosphere, than  to  purchase  a  fatal  repose  by  dwelling 
in  the  quiet  but  pestilential  atmosphere  of  a  tomb. 

Is  it  the  spirit  of  liberty  or  of  despotism,  that  now 
frowns  upon  free  inquiry,  that  would  shut  cut  debate 
from  the  secular  press,  by  the  deceptive  cry  of  reli- 
gious  controversy  ?  Who  are  they  that  are  dreading 
and  shrinking  from  examination?  Who  that  caution  all 
those  over  whom  they  have  power,  "  against  attend- 
ing upon,  or  taking  part  in,  or  noticing  meetings," 
for  the  discussion  of  the  political  question  of  Pope- 
ry? Ah  !  is  this  the  tender  point?  Is  it  when  the 
political  question  is  proposed  for  public  debate,  that 
Popish  Bishops,  _^r5^  take  the  alarm,  and  the  spirit- 
ual jurisdiction  is  pa.'-aded  forth,  and  the  spiritual 
power  exercised,  to  prevent  their  subjects  from  exer- 
cising their  political  privileges  ?*  May  the  religious 
question  (that  alone  with  which  Bishops  have  any 
thing  to  do)  be  freely  debated,  without  their  interfe- 
rence.    And  is  it  only  when  the  political  question  is 

*  Both  Bishop  Fenwick  of  Philadelphia,  and  Bishop  Dubois  of 
New-York,  have  just  issued  orders,  in  ecclesiastical  form,  to  those 
under  their  jurisdiction !.  to  refrain  from  attending  on  the  discussions 
where  Popery  is  the  subject  of  debate.  These  documents  are  wor- 
thy of  notice.  They  will  illustrate  several  despotic  principles  inhe- 
rent in  the  Popish  system;  How  would  these  orders  be  read  by  any 
Protestant  sect,  as  coining  from  their  o\vn  clergy  1 

3 


26  PREFACE. 

Started,  with  which  as  Bishops  they  have  nothing 
to  do,  that  they  fuhninate  their  spiritual  thunders 
against  those  who  agitate  the  subject  ?  And  is  it  in 
such  intermeddling  with  politics,  that  they  are  up- 
held by  the  Protestant  press?  Is  our  press  indeed  in 
awe  of  Popish  bishops  ?  Does  it  fear  to  touch  the 
civil  character  of  Popery,  for  fear  of  giving  offence  to 
Popish  bishops  ?  Truth  has  nothing  to  fear  from  the 
severest  scrutiny.  It  is  error  that  loves-  mystery  ;  that 
seeks  concealment  ;  that  shrouds  itself  in  secrecy, 
and  cries  out  persecution  !  Yes,  persecution,  for- 
sooth, if  any  one  attempts  to  drag  it  into  the  light. 
It  was  error  that  the  poet  aptly  describes  as 


seeing  one  in  mail, 


Armed  to  point,  sought  back  to  turn  again  ; 

For  light  she  hated  as  the  deadly  bale, 

Aye,  wont  in  desert  darkness  to  remain, 

Where  plain,  none  might  her  see,  nor  she  see  any  plain. 

This  is  a  matter  not  to  be  covered  up  by  silence. 
The  political  press  has  a  fearful  responsibility  now 
resting  upon  it ;  it  has  a  sacred  duty  to  the  country  to 
perform,  from  which  it  cannot,  must  not  shrink.  It 
should  be  known,  that  there  is  a  wider  desire  for 
knowledge  on  Popery,  in  its  multifarious  bearings 
upon  society,  than  some  seem  to  be  aAvare  of,  and  es- 
pecially in  its  effect  upon  our  civil  institutions ;  a  de- 
sire, which,  having  been  created  by  the  necessity  of 
the  times,  (by  the  fact  of  unusual  efforts  made  by 
foreign  governments,  hostile  to  our  institutions,  to 
spread  throughout  the  country,  Popery)m\ist  be  sat- 
isfied. 

The  political  character  of  Popery  is  a  legitimate 
subject  of  discussion  in  the  secular  press,  and  we  be- 
lieve that  when  the  intelligent  conductors  of  our  jour- 
nals shall  have  justly  apprehended  that  part  of  the 
mixed  system  of  Popery  which  belongs  to  it  as  a  po- 
litical system,  they  will  no  longer  be  deterred  by  the 
senseless  cry  of  religious  controversy,  from  lending 
their  columns  and  their  pens  for  its  fearless  discus- 
sion. They  will  see  that  the  religious  question  of 
Popery  is  a  separate  affair,  and  with  the  discrimina- 
tion that  should  belong  to  them  in  their  responsible 


PREFACE.  27 

situations,  will  be  able  to  keep  the  distinct  religious 
and  political  character  of  the  controversy,  each  with- 
in its  respective  limits. 

The  public  mind  is  awake  far  and  wide  to  the  fact, 
that  Popery  isapolilicalais  well  as  a  religious  system, 
nor  will  freemen  be  lulled  to  sleep  by  the  Popish  an- 
odyne of  no  controversij  ;  they  will  not  rest  till  these 
more  than  suspicious  manoeuvrings  of  Jesuit  in- 
triguers ;  of  Austrian  conspirators  against  their  lib- 
erties, shall  have  been  searched  to  the  bottom. 


PREFATORY    REMARKS. 


The  following  Numbers,  written  for  the  New- 
Vork  Observer  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1834, 
and  duriog  several  weeks  of  confinement  by  indispo- 
sition, have  been,  perhaps,  more  extensively  copied 
into  the  religious  journals  of  the  different  Christian 
denominations,  than  any  communications,  (with, 
perhaps,  a  single  exception,)  of  the  same  extent, 
since  the  establishment  of  religious  newspapers; 
and  although  the  subject  matter  is  almost  altogether 
political,  giving  proofs  of  a  serious  foreign  con- 
spiracy against  the  government,  yet  the  writer  is  not 
aware  that  a  single  secular  journal  in  the  United 
States  has  taken  the  pains  to  investigate  the  matter, 
or  even  to  ask  if  indeed  there  may  not  be  good 
grounds  for  believing  it  true.  The  silence  of  the 
secular  press  on  a  subjecT  which  has  roused  the 
attention  of  so  large  a  body  of  the  Protestant  com- 
munity, may  indeed  be  accounted  for  in  part,  perhaps 
altogether,  from  the  all-engrossing  election  contests 
which  have  agitated  the  country  from  one  extremity 
of  the  land  to  the  other  ;  for  the  writer  would  cer- 
tainly be  very  reluctant  to  adopt  the  belief  which 
has  repeatedly  been  urged  upon  him  by  many,  that 
the  secular  journals  dare  not  attack  Popery  ;  he 
will  not  believe  that  dare  not  ever  stood  in  the  way 
of  the  duty  of  any  patriotic,  independent  conductor  of 
the  American  press.* 

At  the  solicitation  of  many  citizens,  without  dis- 
tinction of  religious   denomination   or  of  political 

•  A  friend,  to  whom  this  part  was  read,  smiled,  and  said,  "  You  are 
sufficiently  guarded  in  your  language,  but  how  many  patriotic^  inde- 
pendent conductora  of  the  American  press  are  there]  Can  you 
name  one  7" 


30  PREFATOnY    REMARKS. 

party,  tlie  writer  has  consented  to  collect  the  num- 
bers into  a  pamphlet,  adding  notes  illustrative  of 
many  matters  which  could  not  so  well  have  been 
introduced  into  the  columns  of  a  newspaper. 

That  a  vigorous  and  unexampled  effort  is  making 
by  the  despotic  governments  of  Europe  to  cause 
Popery  to  overspread  this  country,  is  a  fact  too  pal- 
pable to  be  contradicted.  Did  not  official  documents 
lately  published  put  this  fact  beyond  dispute,  yet  the 
writer  had  personal  evidence  sufficient  to  convince 
him  of  the  fact,  and  of  the  political  object  of  the 
enterprise,  while  residing  in  Italy  in  the  years 
1S30-31,  from  conversations  with  nobles  and  gentle- 
men of  different  countries,  with  the  officers  of  vari- 
ous foreign  governments,  visiting  and  resident  in  the 
Roman  and  Austrian  states,  and  with  priests  and 
other  ecclesiastics  of  the  Roman  faith.  Sometimes 
it  was  hinted  to  him  as  a  check  to  too  sanguine  anti- 
cipations of  the  triumph  of  the  experiment  of  our 
democratic  republican  government ;  sometimes  it 
was  told  him  by  the  former  class,  in  a  tone  of  ex- 
ultation, that  a  cause  was  in  operation  which  would 
surely  overthrow  our  institutions  and  gradually  bring 
us  under  a  form  of  government  less  obnoxious  to  the 
pride,  and  less  dangerous  to  the  existence  of  the 
antiquated  despotic  systems  of  Europe.  In  addition  to 
these  hints  to  the  writer  concerning  the  efforts  making 
by  the  governments  of  Europe  to  carry  Popery  through 
all  our  borders,  other  American  travellers  will  tes- 
tify to  similar  hints  made  to  them.  By  one,  I  am 
permitted  to  say,  that  the  celebrated  naturalist, 
the  late  Baron  Cuvier,  known  also  as  a  zealous 
Protestant,  inquired  of  him  with  marks  of  concern,  ii 
it  were  indeed  true  that  Popery  had  made  such  pro- 
gress in  the  United  States  as  to  cause  the  exultation 
(which,  it  seems,  was  no  secret,)  among  the  legiti- 
mates of  Europe.  And  again,  that  a  distinguished 
member  of  one  of  the  Protestant  German  embassies 
in  Rome  also  made  similar  inquiries  of  him,  havirig 
heard  much  boasting  of  the  progress  of  Popery  in 
the  United  States,  adding  this  pertinent  remark,— 


PREFATORY   REMARKS.  31 

"  thny  will  be  hammer  or  nails,  sir  ;  they  will  per- 
secute or  be  persecuted.'''  These  facts  may  be  of 
so  much  importance  in  aid  of  the  other  proofs  of  a 
conspiracy  Avhich  these  numbers  unfold,  as  to  show 
that  among  the  various  higher  classes  of  Europe  the 
enterprise  of  a  Popish  crusade  in  this  country  is  not 
only  a  subject  of  notoriety,  but  is  viewed  with  great 
interest,  and  is  considered  as  having  a  most  import- 
ant political  bearing. 

In  the  following  numbers,  the  writer  has  chosen  to 
rest  the  evidence  of  conspiracy  mainly  on  official 
documents  published  in  Vienna,  because  they  have 
been  translated  and  published,*  and  are  within  the 
reach  of  any  citizen  of  the  country  who  chooses  more 
closely  to  examine  them.  He  has  also  availed  him- 
self of  facts  in  the  operations  of  Popish  agents  in  this 
country,  so  far  as  their  workings  have  been  occasion- 
ally revealed. 

The  writer  will  add  in  conclusion,  that  he  writes 
not  in  the  interest  of  a  sect  or  a  party,  for  the  ques- 
tion of  Popery  is  not  identified  with  either  political 
party.  He  has  lived  too  long  in  foreign  countries  to 
be  able  to  identify  himself  with  the  local  interests  of 
mere  party  at  home,  whether  in  religion  or  politics. 
The  great  cZewocra^/c  features  of  his  country's  insti- 
tutions, as  contradistinguished  from  the  despotic, 
monarchical,  and  aristocratic  systems  of  Europe, 
were  admired  by  him  as  they  appeared  more  boldly 
relieved,  viewed  from  abroad  in  such  striking  con- 
trast to  all  around  him ;  and  he  is  thoroughly  per- 
suaded that  these  democratic  institutions,  if  suffered 
to  have  their  unobstructed  course,  unobstructed  ex- 
cept by  the  natural  checks  of  education  and  religion, 
actively  and  universally  diffused  and  sustained,  are 
more  favorable  to  civil  liberty  and  to  the  final  tri- 
umph of  truth,  and  consequently  to  human  happi- 
ness, than  anv  other  civil  institutions  in  the  world. 
The  writer  entertaining  these  views,  has  deemed  it 

•  In  the  New- York  Observer,  of  the  months  of  January  and  Fob-  > 
ruary,  :834. 


32  PREFATORY   REMARKS. 

an  imperative  duty,  at  any  sacrifice,  to  warn  his 
countrymen  of  a  subtle  enemy  to  the  democracy  of 
the  country,  and  to  conjure  them,  as  they  value  their 
civil  and  religious  institutions,  to  watch  the  Protean 
shapes  of  Popery,  to  suspect  and  fear  it  most  when 
it  allies  itself  to  our  interests  in  the  guise  of  a  friend. 
Mistrust  of  all  that  Popery  does,  or  affects  to  doy 
whether  as  a  friend  or  foe,  in  any  part  of  the  coun- 
try^ is  the  only  feeling  that  true  charity^  universal 
charity,  allows  us  to  indulge. 

New-York,  January,  1835. 


FOREIGN  CONSPIRACY 

AGAINST  THE 

i  5BERTIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


CHAPTER  I. 


The  first  impression  of  the  improbabiUty  of  foreign  conspiracy  con- 
sidered— Pi-esent  pohtical  condition  of  Europe  favors  an  entfrprise 
against  oiir  institutions — The  war  of  opinions  commenced — Des- 
potism against  Liberty — The  vicissitudes  of  this  war — Tlie  official 
declaration  of  the  despotic  party  against  all  liberty — Necessity  to 
the  triumph  of  despotism,  that  American  liberty  should  be  destroy- 
ed—The kind  of  attack  upon  us  most  likely  to  be  adopted  from  the 
nature  of  the  contest— Particular  reasons  why  our  institutions  are 
obnoxious  to  the  European  governments — Has  the  attack  com- 
menced"? Yes!  by  Austria— through  a  Society  called  the  <b7. 
Leopold  Foundation — Ostensibly  religious  in  its  designs. 

Does  this  heading  seem  singular?  What, 
it  will  be  said,  is  it  at  all  probable  that  any  na- 
tion, or  combination  of  nations,  can  entertain 
designs  against  us,  a  people  so  peaceable,  and 
at  the  same  time  so  distant?  Knowing  the 
daily  increasing  resources  of  this  country  in 
all  the  means  of  defence  asrainst  foreig^n  ao;- 
gression,  how  absurd  in  the  nations  abroad  to 
dream  of  a  conquest  on  this  soil !  Let  me, 
nevertheless,  ask  attention,  while  I  humbly  offer 
my  reasons  for  believing  that  a  conspiracy  ex- 
ists, 'diat  its  plans  are  already  in  operation, 
and  that  we  are  attacked  in  a-  vulnerable 
quarter,  which  cannot  be  defended  by  our 
ships,  our  forts,  or  our  armies. 

Who  among  us  is  not  aware  that  a  mighty 
struggle  oi  opinion  is  in  our  days  agitating  all 
the  nations  of  Europe ;  that  there  is  a  war 


34  WAR  OF  DESPOTISM  AND  LIBERTY. 

going  on  between  despotisvi  on  one  side,  and 
liberty  on  the  other.*  And  with  what  deep 
anxiety  should  Americans  watch  the  vicissi- 
tudes of  the  conflict !  Havinof  lono;  since 
achieved  our  own  victory  in  the  great  strife 
between  arbitrary  power  and  freedom  ;  having 
demonstrated,  by  successful  experiment  before 
the  world,  the  safety,  the  happiness,  the  superior 
excellence  of  a  repubhcan  government,  a  gov- 
ernment proceeding  from  the  people  as  the  true 
source  of  power ;  enjoying  in  overflowing 
abundance  the  rich  blessings  of  such  a  gov- 
ernment, must  we  not  regard  with  more  than 
common  interest  the  efforts  of  mighty  nations 
to  break  away  from  the  prejudices  and  habits, 
and  sophistical  opinions  of  ages  of  darkness, 
and  struggling  to  attain  the  same  glorious 
privileges  of  rational  freedom  ?  But  there  are 
other  motives  than  that  of  curiosity,  or  of  mere 
sympathy  with  foreio^n  trouble,  that  should 
arouse  our  solicitude  in  the  fearful  crisis  which 
has  at  length  arrived,  a  crisis  which  the  pro- 
phetic tongue  of  a  great  British  statesmant  long 
since  foretold,  the  war  of  opinion^  threatening 
the  world  with  a  more  frightful  sacrifice  of 
human  life  than  history  in  any  of  its  blood 
stained  pages  records.  Happily  separated  by 
an  ocean-barrier  from  the  great  arena  wheVe  the 
physical  action  of  this  bloody  drama  is  to  be 
performed,  we  are  secure  from  the  immediate 
physical  effects  of  the  strife  ;  but  we  cannot 
remain  unaffected  by  the  result. 

Of  European  wars  arising  from  the  cravings 
♦  See  note  A,  Appendix.  t  Mr.  Canning. 


iMERICA  INTERESTED  IN  THE  WAR.  35 

of  personal  ambition,  from  thirst  for  national 
glory,  from  desire  of  territorial  increase,  or  from 
other  local  causes,  we  might  safely  be  igno- 
rant both  of  cause  and  result.  No  armed  bands 
of  a  conqueror  flushed  with  victory  could  give 
us  a  moment's  alarm.  But  in  a  war  of  opin- 
ions, in  a  war  of  principles,  in  which  the  very 
foundations  of  government  are  subverted,  and 
the  whole  social  fabric  upturned,  we  cannot,  if 
we  would,  be  uninterested  in  the  result.  Prin- 
ciples are  not  bounded  by  geographical  limits. 
Oceans  present  to  them  no  barriers.  All  of 
principle  that  belongs  to  despotism  throughout 
the  world,  whether  in  the  iron  systems  of  Rus- 
sia and  Austria,  or  the  scarcely  less  civilized 
system  of  China,  and  all  of  principle  that  be- 
longs to  pure  American  freedom  in  the  United 
States,  or  in  the  mixed  systems  of  Britain, 
France,  and  some  other  European  states,  are 
in  this  great  contest  arrayed  in  opposition. 
The  triumph  of  the  one  or  the  other  principle, 
whether  in  the  field  of  battle,  or  in  the  secret 
councils  of  the  cabinet,  or  the  congress  of  min- 
isters, or  the  open  debate,  produces  effects 
wherever  society  exists.  The  recent  convul- 
sions in  Europe  should  not  pass  unheeded  by 
Americans.  The  three  days'  revolution  of 
France  ;  the  reform  in  Britain  on  the  side  of 
liberty ;  the  suppressed  revolutions  of  Italy 
and  Poland  on  the  side  of  despotism  ;  the  yet 
doubtful  victoty  of  the  two  principles  now  in 
contest  in  Portugal  and  Spain  ;  *  the  crooked 

*  These  numbers  were  written  in  January  and  Febru- 
ary, 1834. 


36  VICISSITUDES  OP  THE  WAK. 

diplomacy,  the  contradictory  measures,  tht 
faithless  promises  of  the  despotic  cabinets,  all 
show  that  the  war  of  principles  has  indeea 
commenced,  and  that  Europe  is  agitated  to  iti 
very  centre  with  the  anxieties  of  the  contest. 

No  open  annual  message  reveals  franlily  to 
all  the  world  the  true  internal  condition  of  the 
oppressed  nations  of  Europe.  From  the  well 
guarded  walls  of  the  secret  council-chamber  of 
the  imperial  power,  documents  seldom  escape 
to  shovv^  us  the  strength  of  the  opposing  prin- 
ciple. Despotism  glosses  over  all  its  oppres- 
sions. The  people  are  always  happy  under 
the  paternal  sway.  They  that  plead  for  liberty 
are  always  enemies  of  public  order.  '•  Order 
rei2:ns  in  Warsaw,"  was  the  proclamation  that 
told  the  world  that  despotism  had  triumphed 
over  Poland,  and  none  now  may  know  the 
number  of  her  sons  of  freedom  still  at  large, 
still  unexiled  to  the  mines  of  Siberia:  yet  it  is 
great ;  for  Russia,  and  Prussia,  and  Austria 
have  leagued  anew  against  unconquerable  Po- 
land ;  and  the  agony  of  determination,  the  des- 
perate resolution  which  the  Russian  Autocrat 
has  just  uttered,  tells  the  secret  of  the  yet  un- 
vanquished  spirit  of  Polish  patriots,  and  at  the 
same  time  discloses  the  plot  of  mighty  efforts^ 
of  united  efforts^  of  persevering  efforts^  utterly 
to  extinguish  liberty. 

"  As  long  as  I  live,"  says  the  Emperor,  "  I 
will  oppose  a  will  of  iron  to  the  progress  of 
liberal  opinions.  The  present  generation  is 
lost,  but  we  must  labor  with  zeal  and  earnest- 
ness to  improve  the  spirit  of  that  to  come.    It 


DF.CLARATrONS  OF  TIIF,  HOLY  ALLIANCE.  17 

may  require  a  hundred  years ;  I  am  not  un- 
reasonable, I  give  you  a  whole  age,  but  you 
must  work  without  relaxation." 

This  is  language  without  ambiguity,  bold, 
undisguised  ;  it  is  the  clear  and  official  disclo- 
sure of  the  determination  of  the  Holy  Alli- 
ance against  liberty.  It  proclaims  unextin- 
guishable  hatred,  a  loill  of  iron.  There  is 
no  compromise  with  hberty  ;  a  hundred  years 
of  efforts  unrelaxed,  if  necessary,  shall  be  put 
forth  to  crush  it  for  ever.  Its  very  name  must 
be  blotted  from  the  earth.  What !  and  is  there 
a  Holy  Alliance,  a  "  union  of  Christian  prin- 
ces,'^  leagued  to  extinguish  the  kindling  sparks 
of  liberty  in  Europe  ?  and  will  they  make  no 
effort  to  quench  the  great  altar-fires  that  blaze 
m  their  strength  in  the  temples  of  this  land  of 
liberty?  An  oversight  like  this  would  seem 
to  be  too  palpable  for  the  wisdom  of  the  despotic 
cabinets  to  commit.  This  conquest  must  be 
achieved,  or  liberty  will  never  die  in  Europe. 

With  declarations  before  us,  thus  officially 
put  forth  by  despotism,  of  such  exterminating 
hostility  to  liberty,  is  it  not  possible  that  an 
attack  on  us  may  be  made  from  a  quarter  and 
in  a  shape  httle  expected  ?  Should  we  not  at 
least  look  about  us?  Nations  may  be  attacked, 
and  conquered  too,  with  other  weapons  than 
the  sword.  The  diplomatic  pen,  as  England 
can  testify,  has  often  wrested  from  her  that 
territory  which  her  sword  had  won.  We  need 
not  look,  therefore,  to  the  ports  of  Europe  to 
see  if  fleets  are  gathering.  We  are  safe  enough 
from  ships.  Nor  need  we  fear  diplomacy,  for 
4 


38  "WK  MUST  EXPECT  THEIU  ATTACK. 

we  have  "  entano;]ing  alliances^  with  none." 
Where,  then,  shall  we  look '?  "What  shape 
would  attack  be  hkely  to  assume  ?  Let  the 
nature  of  the  contest  aid  us  in  the  inquiry.  It 
is  the  war  of  opinion  ;  the  war  of  anta<i-onist 
principles  ;  the  war  of  despotism  asrainst  lib 
erty.  But  how  can  this  contest  be  carried  on 
in  this  country?  We  have  not  the  V\^arrinii 
opinions  to  set  in  array  against  each  other 
One  principle  is  certainly  absent.  We  have  no 
party  in  favor  of  despotism.  This  party  is  to 
be  created.  If  then  a  scheme  can  be  devised 
for  sowing  the  seeds  and  rearing  the  plants  of 
despotism,  that  is  the  scheme  which  would 
find  favor  with  the  Holy  Alliance,  to  subserve 
its  designs  against  American  hbert^^ 

It  isasked.  Why  should  the  Holy  Alliance 
feel  interested  in  the  destruction  of  transatlan- 
tic liberty?  I  answer,  the  silent  but  powerful 
and  increasing  influence  of  our  institutions  on 
Europe,  is  reason  enough.  The  example  alone 
of  prosperity,  which  we  exhibit  in  such  strong 
contrast  to  the  enslaved,  priest  ridden,  tax-bur- 
dened despotisms  of  the  old  world,  is  sufficient 
to  keep  those  countries  in  perpetual  agitation. 
How  can  it  be  otherwise  ?  Will  a  sick  man, 
long  despairing  of  cure,  learn  that  there  is  a 
rernedy  for  him,  and  not  desire  to  procure  it  ? 
Will  one  born  to  think  a  dungeon  his  natural 
home,  learn  through  his  grated  bars  that  man 
may  be  free,  and  not  struggle  to  obtain  his 
liberty  ?  And  what  do  the  people  of  Europe 
behold  in  this  country  ?  They  witness  the  suc- 
cessful experiment  of  a  fi'ee  government ;   a 


INFLUEN'CE  OF  OUR  FREE  INSTITUTIONS.  39 

government  of  tlie  people;  without  rulers  do 
■/lire di vino, [by  divine  right:)  having  no  hered- 
itary privileged  classes ;  a  government  ex- 
hibiting good  order  and  obedience  to  law, 
without  an  armed  police  and  secret  tribunals  ; 
a  government  out  of  debt;  a  people  industri- 
ous, enterprising. thriving  in  all  their  interests; 
without  monopolies  ;  a  people  religions  with- 
out an  establisliment ;  moral  and  honest  with- 
out the  terrors  of  the  conl'essional  or  the  inqui- 
sition ;  a  people  not  harmed  by  tlie  uncon- 
trolled liberty  of  the  press  and  freedom  of 
opinion  ;  a  people  that  read  what  they  please, 
and  think,  and  judgfe,  and  act  for  themselves ; 
a  people  enjoying  the  most  unbounded  security 
of  person  and  property ;  among  whom  domes- 
tic conspiracies  are  unknown  ;  v.' here  the  poor 
and  rich  have  equal  justice  ;  a  people  social 
and  hospitable,  exerting  all  their  energies  in 
schemes  of  public  and  private  benefit,  without 
other  control  than  mutual  forbearance.  A 
government  so  contrasted  in  all  points  with 
absolute  governments,  must,  and  does  engage 
the  intense  solicitude  both  of  the  rulers  and 
people  of  the  old  world.  Every  revolution  that 
has  occurred  in  Europe  for  the  last  half  cen- 
tury has  been,  in  a  greater  or  less  de<jree,  the 
consequence  of  our  own  glorious  revolution. 
The  great  political  truths  there  promulgated  to 
the  world,  are  the  seed  of  the  disorders,  and 
conspiracies,  and  revolutions  of  Eiu'ope,  from 
the  fu'st  French  revolution  down  to  the  present 
time.  These  revolutions  are  the  throes  of  the 
internal  life,  breaking  the  bands  of  darkness 


40        WE  ARE  ACTUALLY  ATTACKED  BY  AUSTRIA, 

with  which  superstition  and  despotism  liave 
hitherto  bound  the  nations,  strug-o-lino-  into  the 
hght  of  a  new  ao;e.  Can  despotism  ivuow  all 
this,  and  not  feel  it  necessary  to  do  something 
to  counteract  the  evil. 

Let  us  look  around  us.  Is  despotism  doing 
any  thing  in  this  country  ?  It  becomes  us  to 
be  jealous.  We  have  cause  to  expect  an  at- 
tack, and  that  it  will  be  of  a  kind  suited  to  the 
character  of  the  contest,  the  war  of  opinion. 
Yes  !  despotism  is  doing  somethino;.  Avstria 
^  is  now  acting  in  this  country.  She  has  de- 
^  vised  a  grand  scheme.  She  has  organized  a 
great  plan  for  doing  something  here,  wdiich 
she^  at  least,  deenis  important.  She  has  her 
Jesuit  missionaries  travelling  through  the  land  ; 
she  has  supplied  them  with  money,  and  has 
furnished  a  fountain  for  a  regular  supply.  She 
had  expended  a  year  ago  more  than  seventy- 
four  thousand  dollars  in  furtherance  of  her 
design  !*  These  are  not  surmises.  They  are 
facts.  Some  official  documents,  giving  the 
constitution  and  doings  of  this  Foreign  So- 
ciety, have  lately  made  their  appearance  in  the 
New  York  Observer,  and  have  been  copied  ex- 
tensively into  other  journals  of  the  country. 
This  society  having  ostensibly  a  religions  ob- 
ject, has  been  for  nearly  four  years  at  work  in 
the  United  States,  without  attracting,  out  of  the 
relifjious  world,  much  attention  to  its  opera- 
tions.    The  great  patron  of  this  apparently 

*  From  the  best  authority,  I  have  just  ]earned,  (Dec. 
,  1834,)  that  SinO,000  have  been  received  from  Austria 
;  within  two  years! 


UNDER  THE  CLOAK  OF  RELIGION.  41 

religions  scheme  is  no  less  a  personage  than 
the  Emperor  of  Austria.  The  Society  is 
called  the  St.  Leopold  Foimdaiion.  It  is  or- 
ganized in  Austria.  The  field  of  its  operations 
is  these  United  States.  It  meets  and  forms  its 
plans  in  Vienna.  Prince  Metternich  has  it 
under  his  watchful  care.  The  Pope  has  cfiven 
it  his  apostolic  benediction,  and  "His  Royal 
Highness,  Ferdinand  V.  King  of  Hungary,  and 
Crown  Prince  of  the  other  hereditary  states, 
has  been  most  graciously  pleased,  prompted  by 
a  piety  worthy  the  exalted  title  of  an  apostolic 
kino;,  to  accept  the  office  of  Protector  of  the 
Leopold  Foundation."  Now  in  the  present  ^ 
state  of  the  war  of  principles  in  Europe,  is  not 
a  society  formed  avoiDedly  to  act  upon  this 
country,  oricrinating  in  the  dominions  of  a  des- 
pot, and  holding  its  secret  councils  in  his  cap- 
ital, calculated  to  excite  suspicion  ?  Is  it 
credible  that  a  society  got  up  under  the  aus- 
pices of  the  Austrian  government,  under  the 
superintendence  of  its  chief  officers  of  state, 
supplying  with  funds  a  .numerous  body  of 
Jesuit  emissaries  who  are  organizing  them- 
selves in  all  our  borders,  actively  passing  and 
re-passing  between  Europe  and  America  ;  is  it 
credible,  I  say,  that  such  a  society  has  for  its 
object  purely  a  religious  reform  '!■  Is  it  cred-  >' 
ible  that  the  manufacturers  of  chains  for  bind- 
ing liberty  in  Europe,  have  suddenly  become 
benevolently  concerned  only  for  the  religious 
luelfare  of  this  republican  people  ?  If  this  So- 
ciety he  solely  for  the  propagation  of  the 
Catholic  faith,  one  would  think  that  Rome^ 
4* 


43  A  SUSPICIOUS  BENEVOLENCE. 

and  iivot  Viemia,  should  be  its  head  quarters  ! 
that  the  Pope,  not  the  Emperor  of  Austria, 
should  be  its  grand  patron  !  It  must  be  al- 
lowed that  thisshould  be  a  subject  of  general 
and  absorbing  interest.  If  despotism  has  de- 
vised a  sciieme  for  operating  against  its  an- 
tagonist principle  in  this  country,  the  strong- 
hold, the  very  citadel  of  freedom,  it  becomes  us 
to  look  about  us.  It  is  high  time  that  we 
awake  to  the  apprehension  oif  danger.  I  pro- 
pose to  show  why  I  believe  this  ostensibly  re- 
ligious society  covers  other  designs  than  reli- 
gious. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Political  character  of  the  Austrian  government,  the  power  attacking 
us — The  old  avowed  enemy  of  Prolestant  liberty — Cliaracter  of  the 
people  of  Austria— Slaves— Character  of  Prince  Metternich.  the 
arch-contriver  of  plans  to  stifle  hberty— These  enemies  of  all  lib- 
erty suddenly  anxious  lor  tlie  cicil  and  religjous  liherly  of  the  Uni- 
ted States— Tlie  absurdity  of  their  oslensibh>  design  exposed — The 
'  avowed  objects  of  Austria  in  the  Leofiold  Foundation— Popery  the 
instrument  to  act  upon  our  institutions. 

Thf,  documents  to  which  I  have  alluded, 
exhibit  so  much  of  the  correspondence  of  the 
"St.  licopold  Foundation,"  as  it  was  deemed 
advisable  to  publish  in  Vienna.  They  consist 
of  letters  and  statements  from  Jesuits,  bishops 
and  priests,  residing  or  itineratino-  ju  this  coun- 
try, and  whose  resources  are  chiefly  derived 
from  the  'Society  in  Austria.  In  documents 
thus  prepared  by  Jesuits,  (the  most  wary  order 
of  ecclesiastics,)  to  draw  forth  more  liberal  sup- 
plies from  abroad,  and  then  submitted  to  the 
revision  of  the  most  cautious  cabinet  of  Eu- 
rope, that  so  much  only  may  be  published  as 


CHARACTER  OF  AUSTRIA.  43 

will  attain  their  object  in  the  Austrian  domin- 
ions, while  ail  that  might  excite  suspicion  in 
the  Utiited  States  is  concealed,  we  must  expect 
to  find  great  care  to  avoid  any  unnecessary 
exposure  of  covert  political  designs.  The  evi- 
dence therefore  of.  a  concerted  political  attack 
upon  our  institutions,  which  I  conceive  to  lurk 
under  the  sudden  and  extraordinary  zeal  of 
Austria  for  the  religions  welfare  of  the  United 
States,  will  not  depend  altogether  on  the  infor- 
mation derived  from  these  documents.  Such 
an  attack  is  what  might  be  expected  from  the 
present  political  attitude  of  the  European  na- 
tions, in  regard  to  the  principles  of  despotism 
and  liberty,  from  the  powerful  and  unavoida- 
ble effect  which  our  institutions  exert  in  favour 
of  the  popular  principle  ;  and  also  from  the 
known  political  character  of  Austria. 

Who,  and  what  is  Austria,  the  government 
that  is  so  benevolently  concerned  for  our  reli- 
gious welfare  ?  Austria  is  one  of  that  Holy 
Alliance  of  despotic  governments,  one  of  the 
'•union  of  Christian  princes,"  leagued  against 
the  liberties  of  the  people  of  Europe.  Austria 
is  one  of  the  partitioners  of  Poland;  the  en- 
slaver and  despot  of  Italy.  Her  government 
is  the  most  thorough  military  despotism  in  the 
world.  She  is  the  declared  and  consistent  en- 
emy of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  of  the  free- 
dom of  the  press ;  in  short,  of  every  great 
principle  in  those  free  institutions  which  it  is 
our  glory  and  privilege  to  inherit  from  our  fa- 
thers. Austria,  from  the  commencement  of  the 
Reformation  to  the  present  time,  has  been  the 


f4         THE  PEOPLE,  AND  PKINCE  METTERNICH, 

bitter  enemy  of  Protestantism.  The  famous 
thirty  years'  war,  marked  by  every  kind  of 
brutal  excess,  was  waged  to  extirpate  tliose 
very  principles  of  civil  and  relictions  liberty 
which  lie  at  the  foundation  of  our  government; 
and  had  Austria  then  triumphed,  this  republic 
wonld  never  have  been  founded. 

And  what  are  the  people  of  Austria  ?  They 
are  slaves,  slaves  iii  body  and  mind,  vv^hipped 
and  disciplined  by  priests  to  have  no  opinions 
of  their  own,  and  taught  to  consider  their  Em- 
peror their  God.  They  are  the  jest  and  by- 
word of  the  Northern  Germans,  who  never 
speak  of  Austrians  but  with  a  sneer,  and  "as 
slaves  unworthy  the  name  of  Germans ;  as 
slaves  both  mentally  and  physically."  [Dwight.J 

And  who  is  Prince  Metternich,  whose  letter 
of  approval,'  in  the  name  of  his  master  the 
Emperor,  is  among  the  documents?  He  is  the 
master  of  his  Master,  the  arch-contriver  of  the 
plans  for  stifling  liberty  in  Europe  and  through- 
out the  world.  "Metternich,"  says  Dwight,  in 
his  Travels  in  Germany,  "by  his  wonderful 
talent  in  exciting  fear,  has  thus  far  controlled 
the  cabinets  of  Europe,  and  has  exerted  an  in- 
fluence over  the  destinies  of  nations,  little,  if 
any  inferior  to  that  of  Napoleon."  He  persuaded 
the  Emperor  of  Austria  and  King  of  Prussia 
?iot  to  fulfil  the  promise  they  so  solemnly  made 
to  their  German  subjects,  of  giving  them  free 
constitutions.  It  was  the  influence  of  Metter- 
nich that  prevented  Alexander  from  assisting 
Greece  in  her  struggles  for  liberty.  He  lent 
Austrian  vessels  to  assist  the  Turks  in  the  sub- 


ACTS  OF  METTERNICH  AGAINST  LIBERTY.  45 

jugation  of  the  Greeks.  Metternich  crushed 
the  Uberties  of  Spain  by  induciii<r  Louis  XVIII. 
against  his  wishes,  to  send  100,000  men  thither 
under  the  Diike  dMngouleme  to  restore  'public 
order  !  When  Sicily.  Naples,  and  Genoa,  in 
1820-1,  threw  off  the  galling  yoke  of  slavery, 
Metternich  sent  his  30,000  Austrian  bayonets 
into  Italy,  and  re-established  despotism.  And 
when  in  1831,  (as  the  writer  can  testify  from 
personal  observation.)  goaded  to  desperation  by 
the  extortion,  and  tyranny,  and  bad  faith  of 
the  Papal  government,  the  Italian  patriots  made 
a  noble  and  successful  effort  to  remedy  their 
political  evils  by  a  revolution  firm,  yet  tempe- 
rate, founded  in  the  most  tolerant  principles, 
marl^ed  by  no  excess,  and  hailed  by  the  lega- 
tions with  universal  joy,  asfain  did  this  arch- 
enemy of  human  happiness  let  loose  his  myrmi- 
dons, overwhelming  the  cities,  dragging  the  pa- 
triots, Italy's  first  citizens,  to  the  scaffold,  or  incar- 
cerating them  in  the  dungeons  of  Venice,  filling 
whole  provinces  with  mourning,  and  bringing 
back  upon  the  wretchedly  oppressed  populatioa 
the  midnight  darkness  which  the  dawn  of  liber- 
ty had  begun  to  dispel.  "Prince  Metternich,"  v" 
says  Dwight,  "is  regarded  by  the  liberals  of 
Europe  as  the  greatest  enemy  of  tJte  hii/man  ^ 
race  who  has  lived  for  ao^es.  You  rarely  hear 
his  name  mentioned  without  excitino-  indiorna- 
tion,  not  only  ni  the  speaker  but  in  the  auditors. 
Metternich  has  not  been  attackinaf  wen  but 
PRINCIPLES,  and  has  done  so  much  towards 
destroying  on  the  continent  those  great  politi- 
cal truths  which  nations  have  acquired  through 


if 


46  AUSTRIA  CONCERNED  FOR  OUR  WELFARE. 

ages  of  effort  and  suffering,  that  there  is  reason 
to  fear,  should  his  system  continue  for  half  a 
century,  liberty  will  forsake  the  continent  to 
revisit  it  no  more.  The  Saxons  literally  abhor 
this  Prince.  The  German  word  miilcniacht 
means  7niclnis;'ht.  From  the  resemblance  of 
the  word  to  INletternich,  as  well  as  from  his 
efforts  to  cover  Europe  with  political  darkness, 
the  Saxons  call  him  Prince  Mitternacht — 
Prince  31idnighL" 

This  is  the  government  and  the  people  which 
have  all  at  once  manifested  so  deep  an  interest  in 
the  sjnritiial  condllion  of  this //ere^ic  land.  It 
is  this  nation  of  slaves,  this  remnant  of  the 
superstition,  and  v^assalage,  and  deo-radation  of 
the  dark  ages,  from  whom  the  light  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  has  been  .so  carefuUy  shut  out, 
that  it  fondly  conceits  its  own  darkness  to  be 
light,  its  death-like  torpor,  order — it  is  this 
nation,  not  yet  disenthralled  from  the  chains  of 
superstition,  that  is  anxious  to  enlighten  us,  in 
the  United  States,  in  the  principles  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty.  Civil  and  religious  liberty! 
words  that  may  not  be  uttered  in  Austria  but  at 
the  risk  of  the  dungeon ;  v/ords  that  would  carry 
such  shrieks  of  dismay  through  the  ranks  of 
Prince  Metternich's  vassals,  as  the  flash  of  a 
torch  would  Irring  forth  from  a  cavern  of  owls. 

And  can  it  be  believed  that  such  a  govern- 
ment, the  determined,  consistent  enemy  of  lib- 
erty, has  no  interested  motive,  no  political  de- 
sign, no  other  than  sentiments  of  Christian  be- 
nevolence in  her  operations  in  this  country  ? 
Is  it  likely  that  we,  Protestant  republicans  of 


/ 


A  GOVERNMENT,   NOT   k    PRIVATE   ENTERPRISE.  47 


the  United  States,  have  won  the  kind  regards 
of  the  Austrian  Government,  which  has  been 
the  perseverino^  foe  of  the  Reformation  and  its 
repubhcan  fruits  since   the   days  of  Luther? 
Has  not  Austria  had  vexation,  and  anxiety,  and 
trouble  enoui^h  for  fifty  years  past,  in  stoppino^ 
up  the  opening  crevices  of  the  European  dun- 
geon through  which  the  unwelcome  light  of 
American  liberty  has  so  often  broken,  to  be  per- 
fectly apprized   of  the   hated   source   of  that 
light  ?     Yes,  she  cannot  but  now  perceive  that 
those  Protestant  principles  wliich  she  has  been 
incessantly   engaged  in   endeavoring  to   sup- 
press, driven  by  the  winds  of  persecution  from 
Europe,  have  been  taking  root,  and  strengthen- 
ing in  a  congenial  soil,  and  are  here  bearing 
their  genuine  fruits,  liberty  and  happiness,  and 
all  the  religions  and  social  virtues.     She  can- 
not view  this   Protestant   nation   growing  to 
gigantic  dimensions,  a  living  proof  of  the  truth 
mid  salutary  influence   of  tlie   principles   she 
hates,  without  feelin^c  that  her  own  principles 
of  darkness  are  in  danger.     And  v/ell  may  she 
be  dismayed.     Yes,  Austria  has   turned   her 
eyes  towards  us,  and  she  loves  us  as  the  owl 
loves  the  sun.     Can  any  one  doubt  that  she 
would  extinguish  every  spark  of  liberty  in  this 
country  if  she  had  the  power?  .    Can  any  one  . 
oelieve  that  she  would   make  no  attempt  to 
abate  an  evil  which  daily  threatens  more  and 
more  the  very  existence  of  her  throne?     We 
may  be  told  by  some,  perhaps,  that  her  designs 
are  purely  of  a  relig-ioiis  character.     Who  can 
believe  it  ?    No  one  who  has  been  in  Austria. 


48  CATHOLIC  MISSIONS  THE  INSTRUMENT. 

Every  intelligent  man  who  has  resided  even 
for  a  short  time  in  the  Austrian  dominions, 
mnst  have  seen  enough  of  the  craft,  both  of  the 
government  and  the  priests,  to  make  him  sus- 
picious of  ail  their  doings,  and  most  so,  when 
they  are  most  lavish  of  their  professions  of 
kindness  and  benevolence.  "  Timco  Danaos 
et  dona  ferentes." 

But  let  us  see  what  Austria  avows  as  her  de- 
sign in  the  formation  of  the  Leopold  Founda- 
tion.* The  first  great  object  is  "  to  promote  the 
greater  activity  of  Catholic  missions  in  Amer- 
ica."    She  may  be,  and  doubtless  is,  perfectly 

*  Some  may  be  inclined  to  ask,  is  not  this  society  a  pri- 
vate associaiion,  merely  chartered  by  the  government,  not 
difiering  materially  from  the  religious  societies  in  our  own 
country  7  I  answer  that,  were  the  Leopold  Foundation  an 
association  of  private  individuals,  (which  it  is  not,j  yet 
got  up  in  the  Austrian  dominions,  it  would  still  be  a  gov- 
ernment ajfair.  For  we  must  not  confound  the  practices 
of  two  governments,  so  totally  opposite  in  the  administra- 
tion of  all  their  affairs  as  the  Austrian  and  our  own. 
From  the  happy  separation  of  church  and  state  in  our  own 
country,  religious  societies,  of  whatever  character,  have 
no  coniiexion  with  the  government.  They  move  in  a  sep- 
arate sphere  of  action,  yet  in  pefect  harmony  with  it.  But 
in  Austria,  no  plan,  no  society  of  any  kind  is  private ;  the 
government  interferes  in  every  thing,  is  all  in  all.  Even 
the  persecuted  Maroncelli,  confined  in  the  dungeons  of 
Spielberg  for  the  crime  of  loving  the'political  principles  of 
this  country,  must  wait  a  week,  at  the  risk  of  his  life,  for 
a  gracious  permission  from  the  Paternal  government  to 
have  his  leg  amputated.  Yes,  a  private  matter  like  this  is 
a  government  affair  ;  how  much  more  then  a  grand  soci- 
ety, with  the  Emperor  its  patron,  the  crown  prince  and 
heir  to  the  imperial  throne  its  protector,  and  Prince  Met- 
ternich,  and  all  the  dignitaries  of  the  empire,  temporal 
and  ecclesiastical,  engaged  in  its  operations'?  It  is  the 
Austrian  government  that  is  engaged  in  this  plan  of  an 
ostensibly  religious  character. 


CATHOLIC  MISSIONS  THE  INSTRUMENT.  40 

t>\v<'v\^  ia  this  design,  for  it  is  only  necessary 
tbat  sfio  siioLild  succeed  in  her  avowed  object 
to  have  her  utmost  wishes  accomphshed.  She 
need  avow  no  other  aim.  If  she  gains  this,  she 
gains  all.  If  she  suc(^eeds  in  fastening  upon  us 
the  chains  of  Papal  bondage;  she  h^  a  people 
as  fit  for  any  yoke  she  pleases  to  grace  our 
necks  v/ithal.  as  any  slaves  over  whom  she 
now  holds  her  despotic  rod.  She  has  selected 
a  fitting  instrument  for  her  purpose.  Her 
armies  can  avail  her  nothing  against  us,  for  the 
ocean  intervenes.  Her  diplomacy  gives  her  no 
hold,  for  there  are  scarcely  any  political  rela- 
tions between  us.  The  only  instrument  by 
which  she  can  gain  the  least  influence  in  these 
States,  is  that  precisely  which  she  has  chosen. 
Its  perfect  fitness  to  accomplish  any  political 
design  agamst  the  liberties  of  this  country  and 
of  tire  world,  I  shall  next  consider. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Popery,  in  its  political,  not  its  religious  character,  the  object  of  the 
present  crxamination— The  fitness  of  the  instrument  to  accomplish 
the  political  designs  of  despotism  considered— The  principles  of  a 
despotic  and  free  government  briefly  contrasted— Despotic  prin- 
ciples fundamental  in  Popery— Proved  by  infallible  testimony- 
Papal  claims  of  divine  right  and  plenitude,  of  porrer- Abject 
principles  of  Popery  illustrated  from  the  Russian  catechism- 
Protestantism  from  its  birth  in  favor  of  liberty—Luther  on  the 
4th  of  July  attacked  the  presumptuous  claim  of  divine  right- 
Despotism  and  Popery  Imnd  in  hand  against  the  liberty  of  con- 
science, liberty  of  opinion,  and  liberty  of  the  press— The  anti- 
repubUcan  declarations  of  the  present  Pope  Gregory  XVI. 

Before  commencing  the  examination  of  the 
perfect  fitness  of  the  instrument,  Catholic  mis- 
sions, to  accomplish  the  political  designs,  upon 
this  country,  of  Austria  and  her  despotic  allies. 
1  would  premise,  that  I  have  nothing  to  do  in 
5 


60  DESPOTIC  AND  FREE  PRINCIPLES  CONTRASTED. 

these  remarliS  with  the  'purely  religious  char- 
acter  of  the  tenets  of  the  Roman  CathoHc  sect. 
They  are  not  in  discussion.  If  any  wish  to 
resolve  their  doubts  in  the  religious  contro- 
versy, the  acute  pens  of^  the  polemic  writers  of 
the  day  \|^ill  furnish  them  abundant  means  of 
deciding  for  tliemselves.  But  every  religious 
sect  has  certain  principles  of  government  grow- 
ing out  of  its  particular  religious  belief,  and 
which  wnll  be  found  to  as^ree  or  disac-ree  with 
the  principles  of  any  given  form  of  civil  gov- 
ernment.* It  is  my  design,  therefore,  briefly  to 
consider  some  of  the  antagonist  principles  of 
the  government  of  Austria  and  of  the  United 
States,  and  compare  them  with  the  principles 
of  government  of  the  Catholic  and  Protestant 
sects.  By  this  method  we  shall  be  able  to 
judge  of  their  bearing  on  the  pernianency  of 
our  present  civil  institutions. 

Let  us  first  present  to  view  Xhe  fundamental 
principle  of  government,  Xhdii  principle  which, 
according  to  its  agreement  with  one  or  the 
other  of  the  two  opposite  opinions  that  divide 
the  world,  decides  entirely  the  character  of  the 
government  in  every  part  of  the  body  politic. 
From  v'hom>  is  authority  to  govern  derived  7 
Austria  and  the  United  States  will  as^ree  in  an- 
swering— //'o?7?/  God.  The  opposition  of  opin- 
ion occurs  in  the  answers  to  the  next  question. 
To  whom  on  earth  is  this  authority  delc' 
gated  7  Austria  answers,  To  the  Emperor, 
^oho  is  the  source  of  all  authority — "  /,  tht 
Emperor^  do  ordain,^^  6cc.     The  United  States 

♦  See  Note  B. 


DESPOTISM  INHERENT  IN  POPERY.  51 

answers,  To  the  People,  in  ivhom  resides  the 
sovereign  pmver — '•  We,  the  People,  do  or- 
dain, establish,  grant,^^  &c.  In  one  principle 
is  recognised  the  necessity  of  the  servitude  of 
the  people,  the  absokite  dependance  of  the  sub- 
ject, unqiiahfied  submission  to  the  commands 
of  the  rulers  without  question  or  examination. 
The  Rider  is  Master,  the  People  are  Slaves. 
in  the  other  is  recognised  the  supremacy  of 
the  jjeople,  the  equality  of  rights  and  powers  of 
the  citizen,  submission  alone  to  laws  emanating 
from  themselves ;  the  Ruler  is  a  public  serv- 
ant, receiving  wages  from  the  people  to  perform 
services  agreeable  to  their  pleasure  ;  amenable 
in  all  things  to  thsm,  and  holding  office  at  their 
will.  The  Rider  is  Servant,  the  People  are 
Master.  The  fact  and  impoitant  nature  of 
the  difference  in  these  antagonist  doctrines, 
leading,  as  is  perceived,  to  diametrically  oppo- 
site results,  are  all  that  is  needful  to  state  in 
order  to  proceed  at  once  to  the  inquiry,  Which 
position  does  tlie  Cathohc  sect  and  the  Protest- 
ant sects  severally  favor  ?  The  Pope,  the  su- 
preme Head  of  the  Catholic  church,  claims  to 
be  the  "  Yicegerent  of  Godf''  "  supreme  over  all 
mortals;"  "over  all  Emperors,  Kin^s,  Princes, 
Potentates,  and  People  ;"  "  King  of  kings  and 
Lord  of  lords."  He  styles  himself,  '•  the  di- 
vinely appointed  dispenser  of  spiritual  and 
temporal  punishments  ;"  '-  armed  with  power 
to  depose  Emperors  and  Kings,  and  absolve 
subjects  from  their  oath  of  allegian-ce  ;"  '•  from 
him  lies  no  appeal  ;"  "  he  is  responsible  to  no 
one  on  earth ;"  "  he  is  judged  of  no  one  but 


52  ABJECT  POLITICAL  PRINCtPLES  OF  POPERr. 

God."     But  not  to  go  back  to  former  ages  to 
prove  the  fact  of  the  Pope's  claiiiung  divine 
ri2ht,  let  the  present  Pontitf  Greo;oryXYI.  tes- 
tity.     lie  claims,  and  attempts  tlie  exercise  ol 
this  pleititude  of  power,  and  asserts  his  divim 
right.     The  document  I  quote  is  fresh  froiu 
the  Vatican,  scarce  four  months  old,  a  docu- 
ment in  which  the  Pope  interferes  directly  in 
the  political  affairs  of  Portugal  against  Don 
Pedro.      "How   can   there   be   unity   in    the 
body,"  says  the  Pope,  "  when  the  members  are 
not  united  to  the  head,  and  do  not  obey  it? 
And  how  can   this  union  and  obedience  be 
maintained  in  a  country  where  they  drive  from 
their  sees  the  bishops,  legitimately  instituted  by 
Hi?ii  to  whom  it  appertains  to  assign  pastors 
to  all  the  vacant  churches,  because  the  divine 
RIGHT  grants  to  Him  alone  the  primacy  of 
jurisdiction   and   the    p)lenitude   of   power." 
The  Catholic  catechism  now  taught  by  Catho- 
lic priests  to  the  Poles  in  all  the  schools  of  Po- 
land, and  published  by  special  order  at  Wilna,^ 
1832,  is  very  conclusive  of  the  character  of 
Catholic  doctrine.      The   following  questions 
and  answers  are  propounded  : 

"  Quest.  1.  How  is  the  authority  of  the  Em- 
peror to  be  considered  in  reference  to  the  spirit 
of  Christianity?  Ans.  As  proceeding  imme- 
diately from  God. 

"  Gluest.  2.  How  is  this  substantiated  by  the 
nature  of  things  ?  Ans.  It  is  by  the  will  of 
God  that  men  live  in  society ;  hence  the  va- 
rious relations  which  constitute  society,  which 


RUSSIAN  CATECHISM.  53 

for  its  more  complete  security  is  divided  into 
parts  called  nations  ;  the  government  of  which 
is  intrusted  to  a  Prince,  King,  or  Emperor,  or 
in  other  words,  to  a  supreme  ruler  ;  we  see, 
then,  that  as  man  exists  in  conformity  to  the 
will  of  God,  society  emanates  from  the  same 
divine  will,  and  more  especially  the  supreme 
power  and  authority  of  our  lord  and  master, 
the  Czar. 

"  Q,uest.  3.  What  duties  does  religion  teach 
us,  the  humble  subjects  ©f  his  Majesty  the  Em- 
ueror  of  Russia,  to  practise  towards  him  ?  Ans. 
Worship,  obedience,  fidelity,  the  payment  of 
taxes,  service,  love  and  prayer,  the  whole  being 
comprised  in  the  words  worship  and  fidelity.    ' 

"  Gluest.  4.  Wherein  does  this  worship  con- 
sist, and  how  should  it  be  manifested  ?  Ans. 
By  the  most  unqualified  reverence  in  words, 
gestures,  demeanor,  thoughts,  and  actions. 

"  Quest.  5.  What  kind  of  obedience  do  we 
owe  him?  Ans.  An  entire,  passive,  and  un- 
bounded obedience  in  every  point  of  view. 

"  Quest.  6.  In  what  consists  the  fidelity  we 
owe  to  the  Emperor  ?  Ans.  In  executing  his 
commands  most  rigorously,  without  examina- 
tion, in  performing  the  duties  he  requires  from 
us,  and  in  dohig  every  thing  willingly  without 
murmuring. 

"  Quest.  8.  Is  the  service  of  his  Majesty  the 
Emperor  obligatory  on  us?  Ans.  Absolutely 
so ;  we  should,  if  required,  sacrifice  ourselves 
in  compliance  with  his  will,  both  in  a  civil  and 
military  capacity,  and  in  whatever  manner  he 
deems  expedient. 
5* 


rj  RUSSIAN  CATECHISM. 

«  Quest.  9.  What  benevolent  sentiments  and 
love  are  due  to  the  Emperor?  Ans.  \\ e  should 
manifest  our  good  will  and  affection,  according 
to  our  station,  in  endeavonn-  to  promote  die 
nrosneritv  of  our  native  land,  Russia,  (not  Ro- 
land.) as  well  as  that  of  the  Emperor,  our  fa- 
ther'  and  of  his  august  family.      "^ 

"auest.  13.  Does  religion  forbid  us  to  rebel, 
and  overthrow  the  government  of  the  Empe- 
ror '^  Ans  We  are  interdicted  from  so  doing, 
at  ail  times,  and  under  any  circumstances. 

^'  Quest  U.  Independently  of  tlie  worship 
we  owe  to  the  Emperor,  are  we  called  upon  to 
respect  the  public  authorities  emanating  from 
him  '^  Ans.  Yes  ;  because  they  emanate  from 
him  represent  him,  and  act  as  his  substitute, 
so  that  the  Emperor -is  everywhere. 

"Quest  15.  What  motives  have  we  to  tultil 
the  duties  ahove  enumerated  I  Ans.  Tlie  mo- 
tives   are   two-fold-some  natural,  others  re- 

^^'' Quest  1(3  What  are  the  natural  motives? 
Ans  Besides  the  motives  adduced,  t^iereare 
the  followincr :  The  Emperor,  being  the  head 
of  the  nation,  the  father  of  all  his  subjec  s  who 
constitute  one  and  the  same  country,  is  thereby 
alone  worthy  of  reverence,  gratitude,  a"d  obe- 
dience •  for  both  public  welfare  and  individual 
security  depend  on  submissiveness  to  his  com- 

"''^'Quest  17.  Wliat  are  the  supernatural  re- 
vealed motives  for  this  worship]  Ans.  i  he 
supernatural  revealed  motives  are,  that  the 
Emperor  is  the  vicegerent  and  mimster  of  God 


ROSSIAN  CATECHISM.  55 

to  execute  the  divine  commands  ;  and  conse- 
quently, disobedience  to  the  Emperor  is  identi- 
fied with  disobedience  to  God  himself;  that 
God  will  reward  us  in  the  world  to  come  for 
the  worship  and  obedience  we  render  the  Em- 
peror, and  punish  us  severely  to  all  eternity, 
should  we  disobey  and  neglect  to  worship  him. 
Moreover,  God  commands  us  to  love  and  obey, 
from  the  inmost  recesses  of  the  heart,  every 
authority,  and  particularly  the  Emperor^  not 
from  worldly  considerations,  but  from  appre- 
hension of  the  final  judgment.         *         * 

"  duest.  19.  What  examples  confirm  this 
doctrine?  Ans.  The  example  of  Jesus  Christ 
himself,  who  lived  and  died  in  allegiance  to 
the  Emperor  of  Rome,  and  ^respectfully  sub- 
mitted to  the  judgment  which  condemned  him 
to  death.  We  have,  moreover,  the  example  of 
the  Apostles,  who  both  loved  and  respected 
them  ;  they  suffered  meekly  in  dungeons,  con- 
formably to  the  will  of  Emperors,  and  did  not 
revolt  like  malefactors  and  traitors.  We  must, 
therefore,  in  imitation  of  these  examples,  sufter 
and  be  silent." 

This  is  the  slavish  doctrine  taught  to  the 
Catholics  of  Poland.  The  people,  instead  of 
having  power  or  rights,  are,  according  to  this 
catechism,  mere  passive  slaves,  born  for  their 
masters ;  tauo;ht,  by  a  perversion  of  the  threat- 
enings  of  religion,  to  obey  without  murmuring, 
or  questioning,  or  examination,  the  mandates 
of  their  human  deity  ;  bid  to  cringe,  and  fawn, 
and  kiss  the  very  feet  of  majesty,  and  deem 


56  COINCIDENXE  OF  TOPISII  AND  DESPOTIC  LAWS. 

themselves  happy  to  he  whipped,  to  be  kicked. 
or  to  die  in  his  service.  Is  it  necessary  to  say 
that  there  is  not  a  Protestant  sect  in  this  coun- 
try that  holds  such  abject  sentiments,  or  whose 
creed  inculcates  such  barefaced  idolatry  of  a 
human  being  ?  Protestantism,  on  the  contrary, 
at  its  birth,  while  yet  bound  with  many  of  the 
sliackles  of  Popery,  attacked,  in  its  earliest 
lispings  of  freedom,  this  very  doctrine  of  divine 
right.  It  was  Luther,  and  by  a  singular  coin- 
cidence of  day  too,  on  the  fourth  of  July ^  who 
first,  in  a  public  disputation  at  Leipsic  with  his 
Popish  aiitao;onist.  called  in  question  the  divine 
right  of  the  Pope. 

Let  us  now  examine  in  contrast  other  politi- 
cal rights,  liherty  of  conscience^  liberty  of  opin- 
ion^ and  liberty  of  the  press.  Austria  and  the 
United  States  diifer  on  these  points  as  widely 
as  on  the  fundamental  question.  Austria  not 
only  has  the  press  in  her  own  territory  under 
censorship,  but  intermeddles  to  control  the  press 
in  the  neighboring  states  on  the  principle  of 
self-preservation.  "  In  Saxony,"  says  Dwight, 
"  the  press  is  fettered  by  Austria  and  Prussia, 
who  alleged  this  reason,  '  that  all  the  works 
published  in  Saxony,  which  are  not  on  the 
proscribed  list,  are  freely  admitted  into  cur 
dominions.  For  our  happiness,  therefore,  and 
the  stability  of  our  thrones,  it  is  necessary 
that  the  press  should  be,  fettered !  P  "  As  to 
liherty  of  opinion,  political  or  religious,  in 
Austria,  no  'one  dreams  of  the  existence  of  such 
a  thino-  •  the  dunsfeon  is  a  summarv  mode 
thereof  obtaining  a  most  happy  uniformity  of 


POPERY  AGAINST  LIBERTY  OP   OPINION.  57 

opinion  tln'oughout  all  the  imperial  dominions. 
It  is  our  glory,  on  the  contrary,  that  all  these 
rights  are  secured  to  us  by  our  institutions, 
and  freely  enjoyed,  not  only  without  the  least 
danger  to  the  peace  of  the  state,  but  from  the 
very  genius  of  our  government,  they  are  es- 
teemed amonsr  its  most  precious  sateguards. 
What  are  the  Catholic  tenets  on  these  points  ? 
Shall  1  go  back  some  three  or  four  hundred 
years,  and  quote  the  pontifical  law.  which  says, 
[Art.  9,1  "  Tiie  Pope  has  the  power  to  inter- 
pret Scripture  and  to  teach  as  he  pleases,  and 
710  person  is  allowed  to  teach  in  a  different 
way  ?"  Or  to  the  fourth  Council  of  Lateran 
in  1215,  which  decrees  "  That  all  heretics, 
(that  is,  all  who  have  an  opinion  of  their  own,) 
shall  be  dehvered  over  to  the  civil  magistrates 
to  be  burned  P  Or  shall  I  refer  to  the  Catho- 
lic Index  Exjncrgatorius,  to  the  list  of  forbid- 
den books,  to  show  how  the  press  is  still  fet- 
tered ?  No!  it  is  unnecessary  to  go  farther 
than  the  present  day.  The  reigning  pontiff, 
Gregory  XVI.,  shall  again  answer  the  ques- 
tion. He  has  most  opportunely  furnished  us 
with  the  present  sentiments  of  the  Catholic 
church  on  these  very  points.  In  his  encycli- 
cal letter,  dated  Sept.  183"2,  the  Pope,  lament- 
ing the  disorders  and  infidelity  of  the  times, 
says — - 

"  From  this  polluted  fountain  of  'indifference' 
flows  that  absurd  and  erroneous  doctrine,  or 
rather  raving,  in  favor  and  defence  of  '  liberty 
of  conscience,'  for  which  most  pestilential  error 
the  course  is  opened  to  that  entire  and  wild 


y 


x" 


I^" 


58  POPERY  AGAINST  THE  LIBERTY  OF  THE  PRESS. 

liberty  of  opinion  wliich  is  everywhere  at- 
tempting the  overthrow  of  rehgious  and  civil 
institutions,  and  which  the  unbhishing  impu- 
dence of  some  has  held  forth  as  an  advantage 
to  rehgion.  Hence  thatpest^  of  all  others  most 
to  he  dreaded  in  a  state,  luibridled  liberty  of 
opinion^  hcentiousness  of  speech,  and  a  hist  of 
novelty,  which,  according  to  the  experience  of 
all  ages,  portend  the  downfall  of  the  mostpower- 
ful  and  flourishing  empires." 

"  Hither  tends  that  worst  and  never  suflicient- 
ly  to  be  execrated  and  detested  liberty  op 
THE  PRESS,  for  the  diffusion  of  all  manner  of 
writings,  which  some  so  loudly  contend  for, 
and  so  actively  promote." 

He  complains,  too,  of  the  dissemination  of  un- 
licensed books. 

"  No  means  must  be  here  omitted,  says  Cle- 
ment  XIII.,  our  predecessor  of  happy  memory, 
in  the  Encyclical  Letter  on  the  proscription  of 
bad  books — 710  means  must  be  here  omitted^ 
as  the  extremity  of  the  case  calls  for  all  our  exer- 
tions, to  exterminate  the  fatal  pest  which 
spreads  through  so  many  w^orks,  nor  can  the 
materials  of  error  be  otherwise  destroyed  than 
by  the  flarjies,  which  consume  the  depraved 
elements  of  the  evil." 

Now  all  this  is  explicit  enough,  here  is  no 
ambiguity.  We  see  clearly,  from  infallible 
authority,  that  the  Catholic  of  the  present  day, 
wherever  he  may  be,  if  he  is  true  to  the  princi- 
ples of  his  sect,  cannot  consistently  tolerate 
liberty  of  conscience,  or  liberty  of  the  press.  Is 
there  any  sect  of  protestants  in  this  country, 


rOrERY  AND  DESPOTISM  IDENTICAL.  59 

from  whose  i-eligious  tenets  doctrines  so  sub- 
versive of  civil  and  religious  liberty  can  be 
even  inferred?  If  there  be,  I  am  ignorant  of 
its  name.  The  subject  will  be  pursued  in  the 
next  chapter. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  canse  of  Popery  and  despotism  idenlical— Striking:  difference  be- 
tween Topcry  and  Piotestantisni  as  Ihey  exist  in  this  country — 
American  Proteslantiim  not  controlled  by  Foreign  Protestantism— 
American  Popery  entirely  under  foreign  control — Jesuits,  the  For- 
eicn  agents  of  Austria,  bound  by  the  strongest  ties  of  interest  to 
Austrian  policy,  not  to  American— Their  dangerous  power— unpar- 
aile'ed  in  any  Protestant  sect— our  free  institutions  opposed  in  their 
nature  to  tiie  arbitrary  claimsof  Popery— Duplicity  to  be  expected— 
Political  dauijers  to  be  apprehende<l  from  Roman  Catholic  organiza- 
tion—American IlomanCiitholic  ecclesiastical  matters  uncontrolled 
by  Americans  or  in  America— managed  in  a  foreign  country,  by  a 
foreign  power,  for  ]iolitical  purposes — Consequences  thai  may  easi. 
ly  result  from  such  a  state  of  things. 

I  EXPOSFJD,  in  my  last  chapter,  the  remarkable 
coincidence  of  the  tenets  of  Popery  with  the 
principles  of  despotic  government,  in  this  re- 
spect so  opposite  to  the  tenets  of  Protestantism  ; 
Popery,  from  its  very  nature,  favoring  despot- 
ism, and  Protestantism,  from  its  very  nature, 
favoring  liberty.  Is  it  not  then  perfectly  natu- 
ral that  the  Austrian  government  should  be 
active  in  supporting  Catholic  missions  in  this 
country?  Is  it  not  clear  that  the  cause  of 
Popery  is  the  cause  of  despotism? 

But  there  is  another  most  striking  and  im- 
portant difference  between  Popery  and  Protest- 
antism, in  their  bearing  upon  the  liberties  of 
the  country.  No  one  of  the  Protestant  sects 
owns  any  head^out  of  this  country^  or  is  gov- 
erned in  any  of  its  concerns  by  any  men,  or  set 
of  men,  in  a  foreign  land.  All  ecclesiastical 
oflicers  are  nominated  and  appointed,  or  remo- 


60  PROTESTANT  SECTS  MANAGED  IN  THE  COUNTRY. 

ved  by  the  people  of  the  United  States.  No 
foreio-ii  body  has  any  such  union  with  any  sect 
of  Protestants  in  the  United  States,  as  even  to 
advise,  much  less  to  control  any  of  its  measures. 
Our  Episcopalians  appoint  their  own  bishops 
without  consulting  the  church  of  Enn^land  ; 
our  Presbyterians  are  entirely  independent  of 
the  church  of  Scodand  ;  and  our  Wesleyan 
Methodists  have  no  ecclesiastical  connexion 
with  the  disciples  of  Wesley  in  the  old  world. 
But  how  is  it  in  these  respects  with  the  Catho- 
lics? The  right  of  appointing  to  all  ecclesias- 
tical offices  in  this  country,  as  everywhere 
v^else,  is  in  the  Pope,  (now  a  mere  creature  of 
Austria.)  Fie  claims  the  power,  as  we  have 
seen,  by  divine  ri^ht.  All  the  bishops,  and  all 
the  ecclesiastics  down  to  the  most  insignificant 
oliicer  in  the  church,  are,  from  the  genius  of 
the  system,  entirely  under  his  control.  And  lie, 
of  course,  will  appoint  none  to  office  but  those 
who  will  favor  the  views  of  Austria.  He  will 
require  all  whom  he  appoints,  to  support  the 
agents  whom  Austria  is  sending  to  this  country 
for  the  accomplishment  of  her  own  purposes.  •* 

And  who  are  these  agents  ?  Tlieij  are^  for 
the  most  part,  Jesuits,  an  ecclesiastical  order 
proverbial  throuo;h  the  world  for  cunning,  du- 
plicity, and  total  want  of  moral  principle ;  an 
order  so  skilled  in  all  the  arts  of  deception,  that 
even  in  Catholic  countries,  in  Italy  itself,  it 
became  intolerable,  and  the  people  required  its 
suppression.  They  are  Jesuits  in  the  pay  and 
employ  of  a  despotic  government,  who  ai*e  at 
work  on  the  ignorance  and  passions  of  our  com- 


DANGEROUS  POWER  OF  JESUITS.  61 

munity  ;  they  are  foreigners^  who  have  been 
schooled  in  foreign  seminaries  in  the  doctrine 
of  passive  obedience  ;  they  are  foreigners  nnder 
vows  oVperpetual  celihacy^  and  having,  there- 
fore, no  deep  and  permanent  interest'in  this 
country;  they  are  foreio;iiers,  bound  by  the 
strong  ties  of  pecuniary  interest  and  aiiibition 
to  the  service  of  a  foreign  despot.*  Is  there 
no  danger  to  our  free  institutions  from  a  host 
commanded  by  such  men,  whose  numbers  are 
constantly  increasing  by  the  machinations  and 
funds  of  Austria  ? 

Consider,  too,  the  power  which  these  .Jesuits 
and  other  Cathohc  priests  possess  through  the 
co)ifessional,  of  knowing  the  private  characters 
and  affairs  of  all  the  leading  men  in  the  com- 
munity;  the  power  arising  from  their  ri2"ht  to 
prescribe  the  kinds  and  degrees  of  penance^ 
and  the  power  ari.sing  from  the  right  to  refuse 
absolution  to  those  who  do  not  comply  with 
their  commands.  Suppose  such  powers  were 
exercised  by  the  ministers  of  any  other  sect,  the 
Episcopalian,  the  Methodist,  the  Presbyterian, 
the  Baptist,  &c.  what  an  outcry  would  be  rais- 
ed in  the  land  !  And  should  not  the  men  who 
possess  such  po,wers  be  jealously  watched  by 
all  lovers  of  liberty/ 

Is  it  possible  that  these  Jesuits  can  have  a 
sincere  attachment  to  the  principles  of  free  in- 
stitutions ?  Do  not  these  principles  oppose  a 
constant  barrier  to  their  exercise  of  that  arbi- 
trary power,  which  they  claim  as  a  divine  right, 
and  which  they  exercise,  too,  in  all  countries 

*  See  note  C. 


Dangerous  power  op  Jesuits. 


where  they  are  dominant  ?  Can  it  not  be  per- 
ceived, that  ahhongh  they  may  find  it  pohtic 
for  the  present  to  conceal  tiieir  anti-repablicaii 
tenets,  yet  this  conceahiient  will  be  merely  tem- 
porary, and  is  only  adopted  now,  the  better  to 
lull  suspicion  ?  Is  it  not  in  accordance  with 
all  experience  of  Popish  policy,  that  Jesuits 
should  encroach  by  little  and  little,  and  perse- 
vere till  they  have  attained  the  plenitude  of 
power?  At  present  they  have  but  one  aim  in 
this  country,  which  absorbs  all  others,  and  that 
is,  to  make  themselv^es  popular.  If  they  succeed 
in  this,  we  shall  then  learn,  when  too  late  to 
remedy  the  evil,  that  Popery  abandons  none  of 
its  divine  rights.  The  leaders  of  this  sect  are 
disciplined  and  organized,  and  have  their  ad- 
herents entirely  subservient  to  their  will.  Here, 
then,  is  a  regular  party,  a  religious  sect,  ready 
to  throw  the  weight  of  its  power  as  circumstances 
may  require — ready  to  favor  any  man  or  set  of 
men  who  will  engage  to  favor  it. 

And  to  whom  do  these  leaders  look  for  theii 
instructions  ?  Is  it  to  a  citizen,  or  body  of  cit- 
izens belonging  to  this  country ;  is  it  to  a 
body  of  men  kept  in  check  by  the  ever- 
jealous  eyes  of  other  bodies  around  them, 
and  by  the  immediate  publicity  which  must 
be  given  to  all  their  doings?  No,  they 
are  men  owninsf  no  law  on  this  side  of  the 
ocean  ;  they  are  the  Pope  and  his  Consistory  ol 
Cardinals,  following  the  plans  and  instructions 
of  the  imperial  cabinet  of  Austria.: — plans 
formed  in  the  secret  councils  of  that  cabinet, 
instructions  delivered  in   secret,  according  to 


UNDKR  AUSTRIAN  CONTROL. 


63 


the  modes  of  despotism,  to  their  obedient  offi- 
cers, and  distributed  throao^h  the  well  disci- 
phned  ranks  in  this  country,  to  be  carried  into 
effect  in  furtherance  of  any  pohtical  designs 
the  Austrian  cabinet  may  tliink  advantageous 
to  its  own  interests.  And  will  these  designs  be 
in  favor  of  liberty?  With  a  party  thus  formed 
and  disciplined  among  us,  who  will  venture  to 
say  that  our  elections  will  not  be  under  the 
control  of  a  Metternich,  and  that  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  President  of  the  United  States  will 
not  be  virtually  made  hi  the  Imperial  Cabinet 
of  Vienna,  or 'the  Consistory  of  Cardinals  at 
Rome  ?  Will  this  be  pronounced  incredible  ? 
It  will  be  the  almost  certain  result  of  the  do- 
minion of  Popery  in  this  country. 

But  we  need  not  imagine  that  it  wiU  always 
be  deemed  expedient  to  preserve  the  name  of 
President,  or  even  the  elective  character  of 
our  chief  magistrate.  How  long  would  it  take 
the  sophistrylhat  deludes  the  mind  of  its  vic- 
tim into  the  belief  of  a  man's  infallibility,  and 
fixes  the  delusion  there  indelibly,  binding  him, 
soul  and  body,  to  believe  against  the  evidence 
of  his  reason  and  his  senses  ;  holding  him  in 
the  most  abject  obedience  to  the  will  of  a  fel- 
low-man ;  how  long,  I  say,  would  it  take  such 
sophistry  to  impose  the  duty  of  acknowledg- 
ing the  divine  right  of  an  emperor  over  the 
priest -conquered  vassals  of  this  country— vas- 
sals well  instructed  in  the  Puissian  Catechisni, 
;and  prepared  to  worship,  love  and  obey,  as  their 
lord  and  master,  some  scion  of  the  House  of 
Hapsburg— the  Emperor  of  the  United  States ! 


Gi  OUR  TOLERATION    FAVORS  ATTACK. 

CHAPTER  V. 
Points  in  our  political  system  which  favor  this  foreign  attack— Our 
tol'iration  of  all  reliirioiis  systems— Poptn-y  opposed  to  all  toleration 
—Charge  of  iuiolerance  subslautiated— Tlie  organization  of  Pojjery 
in  America  connected  with,  and  strensrhened  hy  foreign  organiza- 
tioa— VVitliout  a  parallel  among  Protestaiu  socis— Great  preponder- 
ance of  Pop;i.h  sireng'liin  inuise(nience—Tlip  divisions  among  Pro- 
testant sects  nnliifies  their  attcuipis  at  cornbinatio:i— Taken  advan- 
tage of  bv  Jesnits— Popish  duplicity  illustrateri  in  iis  opposite  allian- 
ces in  Enrope  with  despotism,  an<i  in  America  with  democracy— 
The  laws  relating  lo  ei/iigralion  and  naiiiralization  favor  foroisn 
attack— E:ni!;raata  bein^uiosily  Catholic,  and  in  entire  subjection  to 
their  prieals— No  remedy  provided. by  our  laws  for  this  alarming  evil. 

What  I  liave  advanced  in  my  previous 
chapters,  may  have  convinced  my  readers  tliat 
there  is  ^ooA.  reason  for  heUeving  that  the  des- 
pots of  Europe  are  attempting,  by  the  spread 
of  Popery  in  this  country,  to  subvert  its  free 
institutions  ;  yet  many  may  think  tliat  there  are 
so  many  connteracting  canses  in  the  constitu- 
tion of  onr  society,  that  this  effort  to  bind  us 
with  the  cast-off  chains  of  the  bigotry  and 
superstition  of  Europe  cannot  meet  with  suc- 
cess. 1  will,  therefore,  in  the  present  chapter, 
consider  some  of  the  points  hi  our  pohtical 
system,  of  which  advantage  has  ah'eady  been 
taken  to  attack  ns  by  the  wily  enemies  of  our 
Uberties, 

It  is  a  beautiful  feature  in  our  constitution, 
that  every  man  is  left  to  worship  God  accord- 
ing to  the  dictates  of  his  own  conscience  ;  that 
the  churcii  is  separated  Irom  the  state,  and  that 
equal  protection  is  granted  to  all  creeds.  In 
thus  tolerating  all  sects,  we  have  admitted  to 
equal  protection  not  only  those  sects  whose  re- 
ligious faith  and  practice  support  tlie  principle 
on  which  the  free  toleration  of  all  is  founde^, 
but  also  that  unique,  that  sohtary  sect,  the 
Catholic,  which  builds  and  supports  its  system 


POPERY  ESSENTIALLY  INTOLERANT.  €5 

on  the  destruction  of  all  toleration.  Yes,  the 
Catholic  is  permitted  to  work  in  the  light  of 
Protestant  toleration,  to  mature  his  plans,  and 
to  execute  his  designs  to  extinguish  that  light, 
and  destroy  the  hands  that  hold  it.  It  is  no 
refutation  of  the  charge  of  intolerance  here 
made  against  Catholics  as  a  sect,  to  show  that 
small  bodies  of  them  under  peculiar  circum- 
stances, have  been  tolerant,  or  that  in  this 
country,  where  they  have  always  been  a  small 
minority,  they  make  high  professions  of  ardent 
love  for  the  republican,  tolerant  institutions  of 
our  government.  No  one  can  be  deceived  by 
evidence  so  partial  and  circumscribed,  while 
the  blood  of  the  persecuted  for  opinions'  sake 
stains  with  the  deepest  tinge  every  page  of  the 
history  of  that  church,  aye,  even  while  it  is 
still  wet  upon  the  dungeon  floors  of  Italy; 
while  the  intolerant  and  anti-republican  prin- 
ciples of  Popery  are  now  weekly  thundered 
from  the  Vatican,  and  echoed  in  our  ears  by 
almost  every  arrival  from  Europe.* 

Let  me  not  be  charged  with  accusing  the 
Catholics  of  the  United  States  with  intoler- 
ance. They  are  too  small  a  body  as  yet  fully 
to  act  out  their  principles,  and  their  present 
conduct  does  not  affect  the  general  question  in 
any  way,  unless  it  may  be  to  prove  that  they 
are  not  genuine  and  consistent  Catholics.  The 
conduct  of  a  small  insulated  body,  under  the 
restraints  of  the  society  around  it,  is  of  no 
vveiofht  in  decidina^  the  character  of  the  sect, 
while  there  are  nations  of  the  same  infallible 

♦  See  note  D. 
'    6* 


66  DESPOTIC  ORGANIZATION, 

faith  actin;^  out  its  leo;itimate  principles  un- 
controlled, and  producing  fruits  by  which  all 
may  discern,  without  dansfer  of  mistake,  the 
true  nature  of  the  tree.  If  Popery  is  tolerant, 
let  us  see  Italy,  and  Austria,  and  Spain,  and 
X^ortiio^al,  open  their  doors  to  the  teachers  of 
the  Protestant  faith  ;  let  -these  countries  grant 
to  Protestant  missionaries,  as  freely  as  we 
grant  to  Catholics,  leave  to  disseminate  their 
doctrine  through  all  classes  in  their  domin- 
ions. Then  may  Popery  speak  of  toleration, 
then  may  we  believe  that  it  has  felt  the  influ- 
ence of  the  spirit  of  the  age,  and  has  reformed  ; 
but  then  it  will  hot  be  Popery,  for  Popery  nev- 
er changes  ;  it  is  infallibly  tlie  same,  infallibly 
intolerant. 

The  conspirators  against  our  liberties,  who 
have  been  admitted  from  abroad  through  the 
liberality  of  our  institutions,  are  now  organ- 
ized in  every  part  of  the  country  ;  they  are  all 
subordinates,  standing  in  regular  steps  of  slave 
and  master,  from  the  most  abject  dolt  that 
obeys  the  commands  of  his  priest,  up  to  the 
great  master-slave  Metternich,  who  commands 
and  obeys  his  illustrious  Master,  the  Emperor.* 
They  report  from  one  to  another,  like  the  sub- 
officers  of  an  army,  up  to  the  commander-in- 
chief  at  Vienna,  (not  the  Pope,  for  he  is  but  a 
subordinate  of  Austria.t)     There  is  a  similar 

*  See  note  E. 

t  Lest  the  charge  often  made  in  these  numbers  should 
seem  gratuitous  of  the  Pope  being  the  creature  of  Austria, 
and  entirely  subservient  to  the  Imperial  Cabinet,  it  may 
be  as  well  to  state  that  the  writer  was  in  Rome  during  the 
deliberations  of  the  Conclave,  respecting  the  election  ot 


NO  CHECK  FROM  PROTESTANT  ORGANIZATION.  67 

oro^anization  among- Mhe  Catholics  of  other 
conntries,  and  the  whole  Catholic  church  is 
thus  prepared  to  throw  its  \vci2:ht  of  power 
aud  wealth  into  the  hands  of  Austria,  or  any 
Holy  Alliance  of  despots  who  may  he  persua- 
ded to  embark,  for  the  safety  of  then-  dynasties, 
in  the  crusade  a2;aiust  the  liberties  of  a  coun- 
try which,  by  its  simple  existence  in  opposi- 
tion to  their  theory  of  leo^itimate  power,  is 
workinof  revolution  and  destruction  to  their 
thrones. 

Now,  to  this  dangerous  conspiracy,  what 
have  we  to  oppose  in  tlie  discipline  of  Protest- 
ant sects?  However  well  organized,  each  ac- 
cordins:  to  its  own  manner,  these  different 
sects  may  be,  tliere  is  not  one  of  themtiiat  can 
by  any  possibility  derive  strength,  through  its 
organization, /rom  foreign  sects  of  the  same 
nmne.  Nor  is  this  a  matter  of  regret ;  it  is 
risfht  that  it  should  be  so  ;  no  nation  can  be 
truly  independent  wliere  it  is  otherwise.     For- 

the  present  Pontiff.  It-was  interesting  to  him  to  hear  the 
speculations  of  the  Italians  on  the  probability  of  this  or 
that  cardinal's  election.  Couriers  were  daily  arriving 
from  the  various  despotic  powers,  and  intrigues  were  rite 
in  the  ante-chambers  of  the  Gluirinal  palace  ;  now  it  was 
said  that  Spain  would  carry  her  candidate,  now  Iial}^  and 
now  Austria,  and  when  Cardinal  Capelani  was  proclaim- 
ed Pope,  the  universal  cry,  mixed,  too,  with  low-mntiered 
curses,  was  that  Austria  "had  succeeded.  The  new  Pope 
had  scarcely  chosen  his  title  of  Gregory  XVI.  and  passed 
through  the  ceremonies  of  coronation,  belore  the  revolu- 
tion in  his  stales  gave  him  the  opportunity  of  calling  in 
Austria  to  take  possession  of  the  Patrimony  of  St.  Peter, 
which  his  own  troops  could  not  keep  for  an  hour,  and  at 
this  moment  Austrian  soldiers  hold  the  Roman  Legations 
in  submission  to  the  cabinet  of  Vienna.  Is  not  the  Pope 
a  creature  of  Austria  1 


6S         UNNATURAL  ALLIANCE  OP  POPERY  AND  DEMOCRACY. 

eign  influence,  then,  cannot  find  its  way  into 
the  country  through  any  of  the  Protestant 
sects,  to  the  danger  of  the  State.  In  this  re- 
spect CathoUcs  stand  alone.  They  are  al- 
ready tJie  most  i^owerful  and  dangerous  sect 
in  the  country^  for  tliey  are  not  confined  ir 
their  schemes  and  means  hke  the  other  sects, 
to  our  own  horders,  but  they  work  with  the 
minds  and  the  funds  of  all  despotic  Europe. 

And  not  only  are  each  of  the  Protestant 
sects  deprived  of  foreign  aid  ;  they  are  weak 
collectively,  in  having  no  common  bond  of 
union  among  themselves,  so  far  as  political  ac- 
tion is  concerned.  The  mutual  jealousies  of 
the  d liferent  sects  have  hitherto  prevented  this, 
and  it  is  a  weakness  boasted  of  by  Catholics, 
and  of  which  advantage  is,  and  ever  will  be 
taken,  while  the  unnatural  estrangement  lasts. 
Catholics  have  boasted  that  they  can  7^/«?/  off 
one  sect  agamst  another,  for  in  the  petty  con- 
troversies that  divide  the  contending  parties, 
the  pliable  conscience  of  the  Jesuit  enables 
him  to  throw  the  weight  of  his  influence  on 
either  side,  as  his  interest  may  be  ;  the  com- 
mand of  his  superiors,  and  the  alleged  good  of 
the  churchy  (that  is,  the  power  of  the  priest- 
hood,) being  paramount  to  all  other  considera- 
tions. 

This  pliability  of  conscience,  so  advanta- 
geous in  buildins"  up  any  system  of  oppression, 
relio;ious  or  political,  presents  us  with  strange- 
ly contradictory  alliances.  In  Europe,  Pope- 
ry supports  the  most  high-handed  despotism. 
lends  Its  thunders  to  awe  the  people  into  the 


EMIGRATION  AND  NATURALIZATION  LAWS.  69 

most  abject  obedience,  and  maintains,  at  the 
top  of  its  creed,  the  indissoluble  union  of 
cliurrJt  and  state !  while  in  this  country, 
where  it  is  yet  feehng  its  way,  (oh  !  how  con- 
sistent ! )  it  has  alhed  itself  with  the  democracy 
of  the  land  ;  it  is  loudest  in  its  denunciations  of 
tyranny,  the  tyranny  of  American  patriots  ;  it 
is  first  to  scent  out  oppression,  sees  afar  otT  the 
machinations  of  the  native  American  Protes- 
tants to  unite  church  and  state,  and  puts  it- 
self fortli  the  most  zealous  ofuardian  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty !  With  such  sentinels, 
surely  our  liberties  are  safe  ;  with  such  guard- 
ians of  our  rights,  we  may  sleep  on  in  peace  ! 
Another  weak  point  in  our  system,  is  our 
laws,  encouraging  emigration^  and  aflbrding 
facilities  to  naturalization*  In  the  early  state 
of  the  country,  liberality  in  these  points  was 
thought  to  be  of  advantage,  as  it  promoted  the 
cuhivation  of  our  wild  lands,  but  the  dangers 
which  now  threaten  our  free  institutions  from 
this  source  more  than  balance  all  advantages 
of  this  chara.cter.  The  great  body  of  emigrants 
to  this  country  are  the  hard-working,  mentally 
neglected  poor  of  Catholic  countries  in  Europe, 
wtio  have  left  a  land  where  they  were  en- 
slaved, for  one  of  freedom.  However  well  dis- 
posed they  may  be  to  the  country  which  pro- 
tects them,  and  adopts  them  as  citizens,  they 
are  not  fitted  to  act  with  judgment  in  the  po- 
litical afiairs  of  their  new  coimtry,  lilie  native 
citizens,  educated  from  their  infancy  in  tlie 
principles  and  habits  of  our  instiuitions.    Most 

*  See  note  F. 


70  DANGER  FROM  IGNORANT  EMIGRANTS. 

of  them  are  too  ignorant  to  act  at  all  for  Iheni- 
selves,  and  expect  to  be   gaided   wholly   by 
others.    These  others  are  of  course  their  priests. 
Priests  have  ruled  them  at  home  by  divine 
right ;  their  ignorant  minds  cannot  ordinarily 
be  emancipated  from  their  habitual  subjection, 
they  will  not  learn  nor  appreciate  their  exemp- 
tion from  any  such  usurpation  of  priestly  pow- 
er in  this  country,  and  they  are  implicitly  at 
the  beck  of  their  spiritual  guides.     They  live 
surrounded    by   freedom,   yet  liberty  of  con- 
'science,  right  of  private  judgment,  whether  in 
religion  or  politics,  are  as  effectually  excluded 
(by  the  priests,  as  if  the  code  of  Austria  already 
\ruled  the  land.     They  form  a  body  of  men 
whose  habits  oi  action  (for  1  cannot  say  thought) 
are  opposed  to  the  principles  of  our  free  insti- 
tutions, for,  as  they  are  not  accessible  to  the  rea- 
sonings of  the  press,  they  cannot  and  do  not 
think  for  themselves. 
»      Every  unlettered  Catholic  emigrant,  there- 
fore, that  comes  into  the  country,  is  adding  to 
a  mass  of  ignorance  which  it  will  be  difficult 
to  reach  by  any  liberal  instruction  ;  and  how- 
ever honest,  (and  I  have  no  doubt  most  of  them 
are  so,)  yet,  from  the  nature  of  things,  they  are 
but  obedient  instruments  in  the  hands  of  their 
more  knowing  leaders,  to  accomplish  the  de- 
siofns  of  their   foreio:n   masters.      Republiean 
education,  were  it  allowed  freely  to  come  m 
contact  with  their  minds,  would  doubtless  soon 
furnish  a  remedy  for  an  evil  for  which,  in  the 
existinof  state  of  thing-s.  we  have  no  cure.     It 
is  but  to  continue  for  a  few  years  the  sort  of 


EMIGRATION  AND  NATURALIZATION  LAWS.  71 

emigration  that  is  now  daily  pouring  in  its 
thousands  from  Europe,  and  our  institutions, 
for  ought  that  I  can  see,  are  at  the  mercy  of  a 
body  of  foreigners,  officered  by  foreigners,  and 
held  completely  under  the  control  of  a  foreign 
power.  "We  may  then  have  reason  to  say  that 
we  are  the  dupes  of  our  own  hospitality ;  we 
have  sheltered  in  our  well  provided  house  a 
needy  body  of  strangers,  who,  well  filled  with 
our  cheer,  are  encouraged,  by  the  unaccus- 
tomed familiarity  with  which  they  are  treated, 
first  to  upset  the  regulations  of  the  household, 
and  then  to  turn  their  host  and  his  family  out 
of  doors. 

_  - —  / 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Tlie  evil  from  emigration  fnrtlier  considered— Its  political  bearings 
— Tile  influence  of  emigrants  at  the  elections — Tliis  influence  con- 
centrated in  tiie  priests — The  priests  must  bepropiiiated— By  what 
means— This  influence  easily  purchased  by  the  demagogue— The 
unprincipled  character  of  many  of  our  politicians  favor  tliis  foreign 
attack — Their  bargain  for  the  suffrages  of  this  priest-led  band— A 
church  and  state  party — The  .Protestant  sects  obnoxious  to  no 
such  bargaining— The  newspaper  i)ress  favors  this  foreign  attack — 
Fromit.s  want  of  independence  and  its  timidity — An  anti-republican 
fondness  lor  titles  favors  this  foreign  attack — Cautious  attempts  of 
Popery  to  dignify  its  emissaries,  and  to  accustom  us  to  their  high- 
sounding  titles— A  mistaken  notion  on  the  subject  of  discussing  re- 
ligioics  opinion  in  the  secular  journals  favors  this  foreign  attack — 
Political  designs  not  to  be  shielded  from  attack  because  cloaked  hj 
religion. 

I  WILL  continue  the  consideration  of  some  of 
the  points  in  our  political  system,  of  which  the 
foreign  conspirators  take  advantage,  in  their 
attacks  on  our  liberties.  We  have  seen  that, 
from  the  nature  of  the  case,  the  emigrant  Cath- 
olics, generally,  are  shamefully  illiterate,  and 
without  opinions  of  their  own.     They  are, and 


72  EMIGRANTS  CONTROLLED  BY  PRIESTS. 

"^^must  be,  under  the  direction  of  their  priests. 
The  press,  with  its  arguments  for  or  against 
any  political  measure,  can  have  no  effect  on 
minds  tauo^ht  only  to  think  as  the  priest  thinks, 
and  to  do  what  the  priest  commands.  Here 
is  a  large  body  of  ignorant  men  brought  into 
our  community,  who  are  unapproachable  by 
any  of  tlie  ordinary  means  of  enlightening  the 
people — a  body  of  men  who  servilely  obey  a 
set  of  priests  imported  from  abroad,  bound  to 
the  country  by  none  of  tlie  usual  ties,  owing 
allegiance  and  service  to  a  foreign  government ; 
dependinjT  on  that  government  for  promotion 
and  reward,  and  this  reward,  too,  depends  on 
the  manner  in  which  they  discharge  the  du- 
ties prescribed  to  them  by  their  foreign  master  ; 
which  is,  doubtless  for  the  present,  to  confine 
themselves  simply  and  wholly  to  increasing 
the  number  of  their  sect,  and  the  influence  of 
the  Pope  in  this  country.  It  is  men  thus  offi- 
cered, and  of  such  a  character,  that  we  have 
placed  in  all  respects  on  a  level,  at  our  elec- 
tions, with  the  same  number  of  native  patriotic 
and  intelligent  citizens. 

The  Jesuits  are  fully  aware  of  the  advan- 
tao^e  they  deriv^efrom  this  circumstance.  They 
know  that  a  body  of  men  admitted  to  citizen- 
ship, unlearned  in  the  true  nature  of  American 
liberty,  exercising  the  elective  franchise,  total- 
ly uninfluenced  by  the  ordinary  methods  of 
reasoning,  but  passively  obedient  only  to  the 
commands  of  their  priests,  must  give  those 
priests  great  consequence  in  the  eyes  of  the 
leaders  of  political   parties ;   they  know   that 


HOW  PRIESTS  /.RE  PROPITIATED.  73 

these  leaders  must  esteem  it  very  important 
that  the  priests  be  propitiated.  And  how  is  a 
Cathohc  priest  to  be  propitiated  ?  How,  but 
by  stipulating  for  that  which  will  increase  his 
power,  or  the  power  of  the  church,  for  be  it  al- 
ways borne  in  mind  that  they  are  identical. 
The  Roman  church  is  the  body  of  priests  and 
-prelates  ;  the  laity  have  only  to  obey  and  to 
■pay^  not  to  exercise  antliority.  The  priest 
must  be  favored  in  his  plans  of  destroying  Pro- 
testantism, and  building  up  Popery.  He  must 
have  money  from  the  public  treasury  to  en- 
dow Catholic  institutions ;  he  must  be  allowed 
to  have  charters  for  these  institutions  which 
will  confer  extraordinary  powers  upon  their 
Jesuit  trustees  ;*  he  must  be  permitted  quietly 
to  break  down  the  Protestant  Sabbath,  by  en- 
couraging Catholics  to  buy  and  sell  on  that 
day  as  on  other  days  ;  in  one  Avord,  he  must 
have  ail  the  powers  and  privileges  which  the 
law,  or  the  officers  appointed  to  administer  the 
law,  can  conveniently  bestow  upon  him.  The 
demagogue,  or  the  party  who  will  promise  to 
do  most  for  tiie  accomplishment  of  these  ob- 
jects, will  secure  all  the  votes  adiich  he  con- 
trols. Surely  there  is  grea.  danger  to  our 
present  institutions  from  this  source,  and  men 
as  skilful  as  are  the  Jesuits,  we  may  be  sure 
will  not  fail  to  use  the  power  thus  thrown  into 
their  hands  to  work  great  mischief  to  the  re- 
public. 

The  recklessness  and  nnprincipled  charac- 
ter of  too  many  of  our  politicians  give  a  great 

♦  See  Dote  G. 


74  UNPRINCIPLED   CHARACTER    OF    POLITICIANS. 

advantage  to  these  conspirators.     Tliere  is  a 
set  of  men  in  tlie  conntry  who  will  have  pow- 
er and  office,  cost  what  they  may  ;  men   who, 
without  a  particle  of  true  patriotism,  will  yet 
ring  the  changes  on  the   glory  and  honor  of 
then'  conntry,  talk  lond  of  liberty,  flatter  the 
lowest  prejudices,  and  fawn  upon  the  powerful 
and  the   influential  :  men    wlio  study  politics 
only,  that   they  may  balance  the  chances  of 
their  own  success  in  falling  in  with  or  oppos- 
ing this  or  that  fluctuating  interest,  without 
carino*  whether  tliat  interest  tends  to  the  secu- 
ritv  or  tiie  downfall  of  their  country's  institu- 
tions.    To  such  pohticians,  a  body  of  men  thus 
drilled  by  priests  presents   a  well  fitted  tool. 
The  bargain    with   the   priest-  v/ill    be  epsily 
struck.     "  Give  me  office,  and  I  will  talce  care 
of  the  interests  of  your  cluirch."     The  o;lTect 
of  the  bar^jainupon  the  2:reat  moral  or  political 
interests  of  the  country  will  not  for  a  moment 
influence    the   calculation.      Thus    we    have 
among  us  a  body  of  men,  a  religious  scci',  who 
can  exercise  a  direct  controlling  influence  in 
the   politics  of  the  country,  and  can  be  moved 
together  in  a  solid  phalanx;  we  have  a  chiwch 
interfering  directly/   and  most   -powerfully  in 
ike  affairs  of  state.    There  is  not  in  the  whole 
country   a  parallel  to   this   among  the   other 
seers.     What  clergyman  of  the  Methodists,  or 
Baptists,  or  Episcopalians,  or  of  any  other  de- 
nomination,  could  command  the  votes  of  the 
members  of  their  several  congregations,  in  the 
eleption  of  an  individual   to  political  office  ^< 
The  very  idea  of  such  power  is  preposterous  to 


i 


OUR    PRESS   NOT   INDEPENDENT.  75 

a  Protestant.  No  freeman,  no  man  accustom- 
ed to  jiidofe  for  himself,  would  submit  even  to 
be  advised,  unasked,  by  his  minister  in  a  mat- 
ter of  this  kind,  much  less  dictated  to. 

Connected  with  these  evils,  and  assistinof  to 
increase  them,  we  have  a  Press  to  an  alarm- 
ing* extent  vmnting  in  independence.  Most 
of  our  journals  are  avowedly"  attached  to  a 
particular  party,  or  to  particular  individuals. 
They  are  like  counsel  retained  for  a  particular 
cause  ;  they  are  to  say  every  thinsf  that  makes 
in  favor  of  their  client,  aild  conceal  every 
thing  that  makes  ao^ainst  him.  Does  a  ques- 
tion of  principle  arise,  of  fundamental  import- 
ance to  the  country? — the  inquiry  wuth  a 
journal  thus  pleds^ed  is  not,  how  are  our  freo 
institutions,  iiow  is  the  country  affected  by  the 
decision,  but  how  will  the  decision  alfect  the 
interests  of  our  particular  party  or  favorite  ? 
How  few  are  there  amono-  our  newspaper  edi- 
tors who  dare  to  take  a  manly  stand  for  or 
against  a  principle  that  affects  vitally  the  consti- 
tution, if  it  is  found  to  bear  unfavorably  upon 
their  party  or  their  candidate  !  A  press  thus 
wanting  in  magnanimity  and  independence  is 
the  tit  instrument  for  advancing  the  purposes 
of  unprincipled  men  ;  and  editors  of  this  stamp 
— and  tliey  are  confined  to  no  particular  party 
• — whether  they  have  followed  out  their  con- 
duct or  not  to  its  legitimate  results,  can  easily 
be  made  the  tools  of  a  despot,  to  subvert  tho 
liberties  of  their  country. 
■  Again  ;  we  have,  still  unsubdued,  some  weak- 
nesses, (perhaps  they  belong  to  iiuman  nature,) 


76  ANTI-REPUBLICAN  FONDNESS  FOR  TITLES. 

of  which  advantao;e  may  be  taken  to  the  injury 
of  our  repubUcan  character,  and  in  aid  of  des- 
potism, and  which  may  seem  to  some  too  triv- 
ial to  merit  notice  in  connexion  with  the  more 
serious  matters  just  considered.     One  of  tliese 
weaknesses  is  an  anti-repiiblicaii  fond ii ess  for 
titles;''    and  whoever   has    hved   in   the  old 
world,  and  knows  the  extraordinary  and  pow- 
erful   influence    which    mere    titles    of"  honor 
exercise  over  the  minds  of  men,  and  their  ten- 
dency to  keep  in  due  subjeclion  the  artiticial 
ranks   into   which    despotic    and   aristocratic 
power  divide  tlie   people,  subduino;  the  lower 
orders  to  their  lords  and  masters,  wiU  not  think 
it  amiss  in  this  place  to  draw  attention  to  the 
subject.     Republicans  as  we  are,  I  fear  we  are 
influenced   in   a  ^-reater  degree  than  we  are 
aware,  by  the   hicrh   sonnding   epithets  with 
which  despotism  and  aristocracy  surround  their 
oflicers.  to   awe  into  reverence  the    ignorant 
multitude.     A  name  having  half  a  dozen  titles 
for  its  avant  couriers,  and  as  many  for  its  rear 
^uard,  swells  into  an  importance  even  in  the 
estimation   of  our  citizens,  wliich   the   name 
alone,  and  especially  the   individual   himself, 
could  never  assume.     Let  Mr.  Brown  or  Mr. 
Smith,  or  anv  other  intelhgent,  upriicht,  active 
citizen,  be  elected  president  of  a  benevolent 
society,  does  he  excite  the  gaze  of  those  who 
meet  him,  or  inspire  awe  in  the  multitude  ? 
No  one  regards  him  but  as  a  respectable,  useful 
member  of  the  community.     But  let   us  learn 
that  a  gentleman,  not  half  as  intelhgent,or  up- 

♦  See  note  H. 


INFLUENCE  OF  TITLES. 


77 


liv-ht.  or  active,  is  to  land  in  our  city,  who  is 
announced  as  the  "  Most  Illustrious  Archduke 
and   Eminence^  his  Imperial    Highness,  the 
Cardinal   and    Archbishop  of   Obmitz,  Ro- 
DOLPH.  (this  last  is  the  o;entlenian's  real  name,) 
Hidicst  Curator  of  the  Leopold  Foundation,'' 
and  altl]on<rh  not  half  as  capable  in  any  respect 
as  Mr.  Brown  or  Mr.  Smith,  or  ten  thousand 
other  honest  untitled  citizens  among  us,  I  very 
much  fear  that  the  Battery  would  he  thronged, 
and  the  windows  in  Broadway  would  be  in 
demand,  and  the  streets  filled  with  a  gaping 
crowd,  to  see  a  m.au  who  could  have  sucli  a 
mighty  retinue  of  ghtteiing  epithets  about  hnn. 
yjt.   this   title-blazoned  gentleman    liolds   the 
same  otfice  as  Mr.  Brown  or  Mr.  Smilh.^  Poor 
human  nature !     Alas  for  its  v/eakness  1* 

Who  is  not  struck  with  the  difference  of  ef- 
fect upon  the  imagination  when  we  describe  a 

person    thus :  Mr." ,  a  good   hearted   old 

gctithman,  rather  weak  in  the  head,  uho  finds 

in  the  'manufacture  of  secding-u'ax  one  of  the 

chief  and  most  agreeable  employments  of  his 

time  •"  and  when  we  should  describe  a  man 

thus:'   ''His   Imperial   Majesty   Francis  I. 

Emperor  of  Austria,    King   of   Jerusalem, 

Hungary, Bohemia, of  Lombardy  and  Venice, 

Dalmatia,  Croatia,  ^clavonia,  Galizia,  and 

Lodcmiiria,  Archduke  of  Austria,  Duke  of 

Loreua,    Salsbvrg,    Styria,    Carinthia,    and 

*  There  is  reason  to  believe  we  are  reforming  in  this 
particular,  for  we  have  now  tilled  foreigners,  respectable 
iMen,  travellers  in  the  country,  and  cur  press  no  jonger 
lends  itself  to  announce  their  uninnportant   presence  or 


uiuvemenis. 


7* 


78  POPERY  CAUTIOUSLY  INTRODUCING  TITLES. 

Carniola,  Grand   Prime  of   Transylvania, 
Margrave  of  Moravia,  Count  Prince  of  Han  s^ 
hurgandTyroir^c.  &c.;  and  yet  these  two  fie- 
scnptions  belong  to  one  and  the  sameitKhvidiial. 
,     1  here  used  to  be  a  soand  democratic  feehno- 
in  the  country,  which  spurned  such  o-]osses  of 
character,  and  frowned  out  of  use  mere  glorn- 
givmg  title.^    Austria,  however,  is  crradnallv 
as  fast  as  it  is  thought  safe)  introducing  these 
^ded   gentlemen    into   the    country.      Bishop 
Fenwick,  a  Cat  hoi,  c  priest,  is  '-7./;.  Grace  of 
CuicmnaUf   Mr.  Yicar-General  Rese,  another 
priest   ,s  only  "/..>  Reverence  ^  and   Bishop 
flaget,and  all  the  other  Bishops,  are  simple 
Monseigneurs,    this    title   in    a  foreign    llm- 
^wa-e  being  less  harsh  at  present  to  repuhh- 
can  ears  than  its  plump  aristocratic   Emdish 
translanon,^  ^^My  Lord  Bishop  of  New  York;^ 

jiij    ^%^Vf ''t^'  ^^  ^''^^''^''   "  ^%  Lord 
Bishop  of  Charleston^  &c.  c^c.  &c.     As  we 

improve,  however,  under  Catholic  instruction 

we  imy  come  to  be  quite  reconciled  even  tJ 

his  Eminence,  Cardinal  so  and  so,  and  to  al» 

the  other  graduated  f  )oleries  which  are  so  well" 

adapted  to  dazzle  the  ignorant.     The  scarlet 

carnage   of  a  Cardinal,  too,    bedizened   with 

gold,  and  containing  the  sacred  person  of  some 

Jesuit    all  scarlet  and  humility,  as  is  at  this 

day  often  seen  in  Rome,  may  yet  excite  our 

admn-ation  as  it  rolls  throu^h'our  streets;  and 

even  a  Pope,  (for  in  these  republican  times  in 

Italy,  who  knows  but  his  Holiness  mav  have 

leave  of  absence,)  yes,  even  a  Pope,  a   Yiceo-e^ 

rent  of  God^  the  great  divinely  appointed  ap- 


rOLITICAL  CIlAnACTER  OF  POPERY  DISCUSSED.  79 

pointer  of  Rulers,  the  very  centre  from  which 
all  titles  emanate,  may  possibly,  in  his  scarlet 
and  gold  and  jewel-decked  equipage,  astonish 
onr  eyes,  and  prostrate  ns  on  our  knees  as  he 
moves  down  Broadway.  To  be  snre,  some  of 
his  republican  friends,  now  in  strange  holy  al- 
liance with  his  faithful  subjects  here,  might 
find  their  Protestant  knees  at  first  a  little  stifii", 
yet  the  Catholic  schools,  which  they  are  en- 
cou raiding  with  their  votes  and  their  money 
and  their  influence,  will  soon  furnish  them 
good  instructers  in  the  art  of  reverential  ges- 
ture and  genuflexion. 

Again,  there  are  some  minds  of  a  peculiarly 
sensitive  cast,  that  cannot  bear  to  have  the  sub- 
ject of  religious  opinion  moored  in  any  way 
in  the  secular  journals.  They  use  a  plausi- 
ble arjjument  that  satisfies  them,  namely,  that 
religion  is  too  sacred  a  subject  to  be  discussed 
by  the  daily  press.  I  agree  to  a  certain  extent, 
and  in  a  modified  sense,  with  this  sentiment; 
but  it  should  be  remembered  that  all  is  not  re- 
ligion which  passes  under  that  name.  The 
public  safety  makes  it  necessary  sometimes  to 
strip  ofl"  the  disguise,  and  show  the  true  char- 
acter of  a  design  which  may  have  assumed  the 
sacred  cloak,  the  better  to  pass  unchallenged  by 
just  such  feeble-hearted  objectors.  "Were  such 
objections  valid,  how  easy  would  it  be  for  the 
most  dangerous  political  designs  (as  in  the 
case  we  are  considering)  to  assume  a  religious 
garb,  and  so  escape  detection.  The  exposure 
I  am  now  making  of  the  foreign  desig-ns  upon 
our   liberties,    may  possibly   be   mistaken   for 


fiO  THE  POLITICAL,  NOT  RELIGIOUS. 

an  attack  on  the  ReUfflcn  of  the  Cathohcs  ;  yet 
1  have  not  meddled  with  the  conscience  of  any 
Cathohc  ;  if  he  honestly  beheves  the  doctrnie 
of  Trau:<nbstaniialio}7,  OY  t\mt  by  doing  ?)e/i- 
ance  he  will  prepare  himself  for  heaven,  or  m 
the  existence  of  Purgatonj,   or   m    the  effi- 
cacy of  the  jjrayers  and   masses  of  priests 
to    free   tlie   sonls   of    his   relatives   from    its 
flames,  or  that  it  is  rio^ht  to  worship  ^//e  Virgm 
Mary, ox  to  pray  to  ^Saints,  or  keep  holy  days, 
or  to  refrain  from  meat  at  certain  tnnes,  or  to 
o-o  on  pilgrimages,  or  in  the  virtue  of  relics, 
or  that  none  bnt  Catholics  can  be  saved,  or 
many  other  points ;  however  wrong  I  may  and 
do  tfnnk  him  to  be,  it  is  foreign  from  the  de- 
siirn  of  these  chapters  to  speak  agamst  them. 
Bnt  when  he  proclaims  to  the  world  that  all 
power,  temporal  as  well  as  spiritual  exists  m 
the  Pope,  (denying,  of  course,  the  fundamental 
doctrine  of  republicanism  ;)  that  liberty  of  con- 
science is  a  ''raving;'  and  ''most  pesldential 
error  ,■'  that  '-he  execrates  and  detests  the  liber- 
ty of\he  press  f  when  his  intolerant  creed  as- 
serts that  no  faith  is  to  be  kept  with  heretics, 
(all  being  iieretics,  in  the  creed  of  a  Catholic, 
who  are^iot  Catholics,)  and  many  other  pal- 
pable anti-republican,  as  well  as  immoral  doc- 
trines, he   has  then   blended   with   his   creed 
political  tenets  that  vitally  affect  the  very  ex- 
istence of  our  government,  and  no  association 
with  religious  belief  shall  shield  them  f^rom 
observation  and  rebuke,     it  wonld  indeed  be 
sin<rnlar  if  these  mere  "ravings,'  (the  Popes 
phrase  is  appropriate  here.)  subversive  of  tne 


CHARACTER  OP  POPERY  HERE  DISCCSSED.  81 

fLindainsQtal  principles  of  our  g-overnment, 
should  be  shielded  from  exposure  because  mis- 
named religion.  If  incendiaries  or  robbers 
should  ensconce  themselves  within  a  church, 
from  the  windows  and  towers  of  which  they 
were  assailiui^  the  people,  the  cry  of  sacrilege 
shall  not  prevent  us  from  attempts  to  dislodge 
them,  though  the  walls  which  protect  them 
should  sutler  in  the  couflict. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

The  political  characfcr  of  the  ostens\h\y  religious  enterprise  proved 
from  llie  linun-s  ol  the  Jesuits  now  in  this  coanrry-Theii  antijiatliy  to 
f-rivnit  jitcli^viciit — Tlieir  anticipaiionsof  a  cliaiii^e  of  our  form  of 
government — Our  y:ovoriiment  declared  too  free  fur  the  exercise  of 
their  divine  riirlits — Tiieir  political  partialities — Tlieir  eult!  aclcnow- 
led;i:me;it  oftlie  jrenerosity,  andliijcrality,  and  !ins})itality  of  onrgo"'. 
ernment — Their  estimate  of  our  condition  contrasted  witii  their  esti- 
maf"  ofMiat  of  Anslria — Their  acknowledged  allegiance  and  servili- 
ty to  a  foreign  master — Their  sym])athies  with  the  oyipressor,  rind 
not  with  tlie  oppressed — Their  direct  avowal  of  po/j/icanntention. 

Let  m;,'.  next  show  the  political  character  of 
this  ostensibly  reli'j;ious  effort,  from  the  senti- 
ments of  the  Austrian  emissaries  expressed  to 
their  foreign  patrons.  The  very  nature  of  a 
conspiracy  of  this  kind  precludes  the  possibility 
of  much  6f/?-ec^  evidence  of  political  design;  for 
Jesuit  cunning  and  Austrian  duplicity  would 
be  sure  to  tread  with  unusual  caution  on 
American  ground.  Yet  if  I  can  quote  from  their 
correspondence  some  expressions  of  antipathy 
to  our  free  principles  and  to  the  government ; 
some  hinting  at  tJie  subversion  of  the  s:overn- 
rnent  ;  prevailing  partialities  for  arbitrary 
gorernment;  and  siding  luith  tyranny  against 
the  oppfressed ;  and  some  acknoirhdgmenfs 
0/ POLITICAL  EFFECTS  ^0  he  expectedfiom  the 
operations  of  the  society^  I  shall  have  exhibited 


SZ  PROOFS  OP  POLITICAL  DESIGN", 

evidence  enouirh  to  put  every  citizen,  who  val- 
ues his  birthright,  upon  the  strict  watch  of  these 
men  and  their  adherents,  and  to  show  the  im- 
portance of  some  measures  of  repelling  this  in- 
sidious invasion  of  the  country. 

The  Bishop  of  Bakimore,  writing  to  the 
Austrian  Society,  laments  the  wretched  state  of 
the  Catholic  religion  in  Virginia,  and  as  a  proof 
of  the  difficulty  it  has  to  contend  with,  (a  proof 
donhtless  shocking  to  the  pious  docility  of  his 
Austrian  readers.)  he  says  : 

"  I  sent  to  Kiciimond  a  zealous  missionary, 
a  native  of  America.  He  travelled  through  the 
whole  of  Virginia.  The  Protestants  flocked  on 
all  sides  to  hear  him;  they  offered  hiiu  their 
churches,  court-houses,  and  other  public  build- 
ings, to  preach  in — which,  however,  is  not  at  all 
surprising,  for  the  people  are  divided  into  nu- 
merous sects,  and  know  not  what  faith  to  em- 
brace. In  consequence  of  being  spoiled  by  bad 
instruction,  thei/  loill  judge  every  thing  them- 
selves  ;  they  therefore  hear  eagerly  every  new 
comer,"  &.c. 

The  Bishop,  if  he  had  the  power,  would  of 
course  change  this  "  bad  instruction^'^  for  bet- 
ter, and,  as  in  Catholic  countries,  would  relieve 
them  from  the  trouble  oi  judging  for  tJieni- 
selves.  Thus  the  liberti/  0/ private  judgment 
and  freedom  of  opinion,  guarantied  by  our 
institutions,  are  avowedly  an  obstacle  to  the 
success  of  the  Catholics.  Is  it  not  natural  that 
Catholics  should  desire  to  remove  this  obstacle 
out  of  their  way  T 
*  A  Catholic  journal  of  this  city  (the  Register  and  Dia- 


PROM  THE  LETTERS  OF  THE  JESUITS.  83 

My  Lord  Bishop  Flaget,  of  Bardstown,  Ken- 
twclvy,  in  a  letter  to  his  patrons  abroad,  has  this 
plain  hint  at  an  ulterior  political  design^  and 
that  no  less  than  the  entire  subversion  of  our 
republican  government.  Speakins;  of  the  diffi- 
culties and  discouragements  the  Catholic  mis- 
sionaries have  to  contend  with  in  converting  the 
Indians,  the  last  difficulty  in  the  way  he  says, 
is  "their  continual  traffic  among  the  whites, 

WHICH  CANNOT  BE  HINDERED  AS  LONG  AS  THF: 
REPUBLICAN  GOVERNMENT  SHALL  SUBSIST!" 

What  is  this  but  saying  that  a  republican 
government  is  unfavorable  in  its  nature  to  the 
restrictions  we  deem  necessary  to  the  extension 
of  the  Catholic  religion  ;  when  the  time  shall 
come  that  the  present  government  shall  be  sub- 
verted, which  we  are  looking  forward  to,  or 
hope  for,  we  can  then  hinder  this  traffic? 

Mr.  Baraga,  the  German  missionary  in  Michi- 
gan, seems  impressed  with  the  same  conviction 
of  the  unhappy  influences  of  a  free  government 

ry)  was  put  into  my  hands  as  I  had  completed  this  last 
paragraph.  Il  contains  the  same  sentiment,  so  illustrati\'-e 
of  the  natural  abhorrence  of  Catholics  to  the  exercise  of 
private  judgment,  that  I  cannot  forbear  quotingit. 

"  We  seriously  advise  Catholic  parents  to  be  very  cau- 
tious in  the  choice  of  school-books  for  their  children.— 
There  is  more  danger  to  be  apprehended  in  this  quarter 
than  could  be  conceived.  Parents,  we  are  aware,  have 
not  always  the  time  or  patience  to  examine  these  matters  : 
but  if  they  trust  iinplicUlif  to  us,  ice  shall,  xoith  God's  help,  do 
il  for  them.  Legimus  lie  legantur.''  We  read,  that  they 
may  not  read  ! ! 

How  kind!  they  will  save  parents  all  the  trouble  of 
judging  for  themselves,  but ' '  v:e  must  be  trusted  implicitly  /" 
Would  a  Protestant  journal  thus  dare  to  take  liberties 
with  its  readers  1 


64  PROOFS  CONTINUED. 

upon  his  attempts  to  make  converts  to  the 
church  of  Rome.  In  giving  an  account  of  the 
refusal  of  some  persons  to  have  their  children 
baptized,  he  lays  the  fault  on  this  "  too  free 
{allzii,frci.en)  government."  In  a  more  de- 
spotic government, in  Italy  or  Austria,  he  would 
have  been  able  to  put  in  force  compulsory  bap- 
tism on  these  children.* 

These  few  extracts  are  quite  sufficient  to 
show  how  our  form  of  government,  which  gives 
to  the  Catholics  all  the  freedom  and  facihties 
that  all  other  sects  enjoy,  does  from  its  very 
nature  embarrass  their  despotic  plans.  Accus- 
tomed to  dictate  at  home,  how  annoying  it  is  to 
these  Austrian  ecclesiastics  to  be  obliged  to 
put  off  their  authority ;  to  yield  their  divine 
right  of  judofing  for  others  ;  to  be  compelled  to 
get  at  men  through  their  reason  and  conscience, 
instead  of  the  more  summary  way  of  compul- 
sion !  The  disposition  to  use  force,  if  they 
could,  shows  itself  in  spite  of  all  their  caution. 
The  inclination  is  there.  It  is  reined  in  by 
circumstances.  They  want  only  strength  to 
act  out  the  inherent  despotism  of  Popery. 

But  let  me  show  what  are  some  of  the  politi- 
cal partialities  which  these  foreign  emissaries 
discover  in  their  letters  and  statements  to  their 
Austrian  supporters.  They  acknowledge  their 
unsuspicious  reception  by  the  people  of  the 
United  States  ;  they  acknowledge  that  Protest- 
ants in  all  parts  of  the  country  have  even 
aided  them  with  money  to  build  their  chap- 
els, and  colleges,  and  nunneries,  and  treat- 
See  note  I. 


POLITICAL  PARTIALITIES  OF  THE  JESUITS.  85 

ed  them  with  hberality  and  hospitahty,  and 
—-strange  infatuation!! — have  been  so  mon- 
strously foolish  as  to  intrust  their  children  to 
them  to  be  educated !  so  infatuated  as  to  con- 
fide in  their  honor  and  in  their  promises  that 
they  would  use  no  attempts  to  proselyte  them  ! 
And  with  all  this,  does  it  not  once  occur  to 
these  gentlemen,  that  this  liberality,  and  gene- 
rosity, and  openness  of  character  are  the  fruits  of 
Protestant  republicanism?  Mi^ht  we  not  ex- 
pect at  least  that  Popery,  were  it  republican  in 
its  nature,  would  find  something  in  all  tliis 
that  would  excite  admiration,  and  call  forth 
some  praise  of  a  system  so  contrasted  to  that 
of  any  other  government ;  some  acknowledof- 
ments  to  the  government  of  the  country  that 
protects  it,  and  allows  its  enemies  the  unpar- 
alleled liberty  even  to  plot  the  downfall  of  the 
state  7  But  no,  the  government  of  the  United 
States  is  not  once  mentioned  in  praise.  The 
very  principle  of  the  g"overnment,  throuo-h 
v/hich  they  are  tolerated,  is  thus  slightingly  no- 
ticed :  '•  The  government  of  the  United  States 
has  thought  fit  to  adopt  a  complete  indiffer- 
ence  towards  all  religions.'**  They  can  re- 
cognise no  nobler  principle  than  indifference. 

Again,  of  the  people  of  our  country  they 
thus  write  :  ''We  entreat  all  European  Chris- 
tians to  unite  in  prayer  to  God  for  the  conver- 
sion of  these  unhappy  heathen  and  obstinate 
heretics"  We  are  spoken  of  as  a  country  ^'07i 
which  the  light  of  faith  has  hitherto  not  shi- 
ned."  "^  vast  country,  destitute  of  all  spiritual 
♦  auart.  RegLst.  Feb.  1830,  p.  198. 
o 


86  THEIR  ABUSE  OF  THIS  COXIKTKY. 

and  temporal  resoiirces.^^  But  if  Austria  is 
mentioned,  what  are  the  terms  ?  "  Yonr  So- 
ciety, (the  Leopold  Foundation,)  which  is  an 
ornament  to  the  illustrioiis  Avstrian  Empire.^^ 
— ^^tlie  noble  and  generous  inhabitants  of  the 
Austrian  empire."  "Of  many  circumstances  in 
our  condition,  few,  perhaps,  in  your happi/ em- 
pire can  form  a  correct  notion  ;"  and  asfain, 
"  Here  are  many  churches,  if  you  jnay  so 
call  the  miserable  wooden  building's,  differinof 
little  from  the  barns  of  your  happTj  land  P"* 
Austria^  happy  land  ! !  How  enthusiastic,  too, 
is  another  Bishop,  who  writes,  "  we  cannot 
sufficiently  praise  our  good  Emperor  (of  Aus- 
tria,) were  ice  to  extol  him  to  the  third  heaven  P^ 
Such  are  the  p)olitical  partialities  which  are 
discovered  in  various  parts  of  these  documents. 
Are  they  in  fivor  of  our  republican  darkness, 
and  heathenism,  and  misery,  or  of  Austrian 
light,  and  piety,  and  happiness? 

In  the  struG:,2:les  of  the  European  people  for 
their  liberty,  do  these  foreisfn  teachers  sym- 
pathize n'ith  the  oppressor  ox  with  the  oppress- 
ed? "  France  no  more  helps  us,"  (Charles  X. 
had  just  been  dethroned,)  "  and  Rome,  beset  by 
eneinies  to  the  church  and  jniblic  order,  is  not 
in  a  condition  to  help  us."  And  who  are  these 
men,  stigmatized  as  enemies  of  j^nblic  order  ? 
They  are  the  Italian  patriots  of  the  Revolution 
of  1831,  than  whom  our  own  country,  in  the 
perils  of  its  own  revolution,  did  not  produce 
men  more  courageous,  more  firm,  more  wise, 
more  tolerant,  more  patriotic ;  men  who  had 
freed  their  country  from  the  bonds  of  despotisn 


OTHER  DESPOTS  INTERESTED  IN  THE  ENTERPRISE.  87 

in  a  struo-o-lc  almost  bloodless,  for  the  people 
were  with'them ;  men  who,  m  the  spirit  ot 
American  patriots,  were  organizino-  a  free  gov- 
ernment; rectitVino:  the  abuses  of  Papal  mis- 
rule, and  who,  in  a  few  weeks  of  tneir  power 
had  accomplished  years  of  benefit.  These 
are  the  men  afterwards  drag2:ed  to  death  or 
to  prison,  by  Austrian  intruders,  and  styled  by 
our  Jesuits,  enemies  of  public  order !  Austria 
herself  uses  the  selfsame  terms  to  stigmatize 
those  who  resist  oppression.  i  •  -.    t 

1  will  notice  one  extract  more,  to  whicH  1 
would  call  the  special  attention  of  my  readers. 
It  is  from  one  of  the  reports  of  the  society  m 
Lyons,  which  society  had  the  principal  man-, 
ac^ement  of  American  missions  under  Charles 
X     When  this  bio'oted  monarch  was  dethroned, 
and  liberal  principles  reigned  in  France,  the 
society  so  languished  that  Austria  took  he  de- 
sio-n  more  completely  into  her  own  hands,  and 
th%uo-h  the  Leopold  Foundation  she  has  the 
enterprise  now  under  her  more  immediate  guar- 
dianship. ,      „  .  - 

"  Oar  beloved  kincr  (Charles  X.)  has  given 
the  society  his  protection,  and  has  enrolled  his 
name  as  a  subscriber.  Our  society  has  also 
made  rapid  procrress  in  the  neialiboring  slates 
of  Piedmont  and  Savoy.  The  pious  rulers  of 
those  lands,  and  the  chief  ecclesiastics,  have 
p-iven  it  a  friendly  reception."      ^    ,       , 

Charles  X.,  be  it  noticed,  and  the  despotic 
rulers  of  Piedmont  and  Savoy,  took  a  special 
hiterest  in  this  American  enterprise.  1  he  re- 
port goes  on  to  say — ■ 


88  POLITICAL  nPFECTS  DIRECTLY  AVOWKD. 

"  Who  can  doiilu  that  an  iiisfittitioii  which 
has  a  jnirely  spiritual  aim,  whose  only  ofjjecL 
is  the  conversion  of  souls,  desires  nothino^  less 
than  to  make  whole  nations,  on  whom  the 
lio^ht  of  faith  has  hilhert^  not  shined,  parta- 
kers of  the  knowledge  of  the  Gospel ;  an  insti- 
tution solemnly  sanctioned  by  the  suprenje 
head  of  the  church  :  which,  as  w^e  have  already 
remarked,  enjoys  the  protection  of  our  pious 
monarch,  the  support  of  archbishops  and  bish- 
ops ;  an  institution  established  in  a  city  under 
the  inspection  of  officers,  at  whose  head  stands 
the  great  almoner,  and  which  numbers  among 
its  members  men  alike  honorable  for  their 
rank  in  church  and  state  ;  an  institution  of 
which  his  excellency,  the  minister  of  church 
affairs,  lately  said,  in  his  place  in  the  Chamber 
of  Deputies,  that,  independent  of  its  pureli/ 
spiritual  design,  it  was  of  great  political 

INTEREST." 

Observe  that  great  pains  are  here  taken  to 
impress  upon  the  public  mind  the  purely  spir- 
itual aini,  the  pmrely  spiritual  design  of  the 
society  ;  and  yet  one  of  the  French  ministers, 
in  the  ChamlDers  of  Deputies,  states  directly 
that  it  has  another  design,  and  that  it  was  of 
"great  political  interest."  He  gives 
some  of  these  political  objects — ''  because  it 
planted  the  French  name  in  distant  countries; 
caused  it,  by  the  mild,  influence  of  our  mis- 
sionaries, to  be  loved  and  honored,  and  thus 
opened  to  our  trade  and  industry  useful  chan- 
nels," &c.  Now,  if  some  political  effects  are 
aheady  avowed,  as  intended  to  be  produced  by 


JESUITS  CAN  NOW  OPERATE  POLITICALLY.  89 

this  society,  and  that,  too,  immediately  after 
reiterating  its  inirely  spiritual  design^  why 
may  not  that  pa?'tiailar  pohtical  efiect  be  also 
intended,  of  far  more  importance  to  the  inter- 
ests of  despotism,  namely,  the  subversion  of  our 
Republican  institutions  ? 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
Some  of  tho  means  by  which  Jesuits  can  already  opei^te  politicnUy 
in  the  country — by  mob  discipline — By  j>riest  police — Their  jireat 
dani^er — Already  established— Prools— Priests  already  rule  the 
uiob — Nothing  in  the  principles  of  I'opery  to  prevent  its  interfer- 
ence in  our  elections— Popery  interferes  at  the  present  day  in  the 
polilics  of  other  countries- i'opery  the  same  in  our  country- It 
interleres  in  our  i'lections— In  iNIichigan — In  Charleston,  S.  C. — In 
New  York — Popery  a  political  despotism  cloaked  under  the  name 
of  Reliirion — It  is  "Ciiurch  and  Slate  iuibodied— Its  character  at 
head-ciuarters,  in  Italy— lis  political  character  stripped  of  its  reli- 
gious cloak. 

But  some  of  my  readers,  notwithstandinof 
they  may  be  convinced  that  it  is  for  the  inter- 
est of  despotism  to  snbvert  our  institutions,  and 
are  even  persuaded  that  this  grand  enterprise 
has  been  actually  undertaken,  may  be  inclined 
to  ask  in  what  manner  can  the  despots  of  Eu- 
rope effect,  by  means  of  Popish  emissaries,  any 
thing  in  this  country  to  counteract  the  influ- 
ence of  our  liberal  institutions?  In  what  way 
can  they  operate  here  ? 

With  the  necessity  existing  of  doing  some- 
things  from  the  instinct  of  seJfpreservation^ 
to  check  the  influence  of  our  free  institutions  on 
Europe,  with  the  funds  provided,  and  ageiits 
on  the  spot  interested  in  their  plans,  one  would 
think  it  needed  but  little  sagacity  to  find  modes 
and  opportunities  of  operating;  especially,  too, 
when  such  vulnerahlc  points  as  I  have  ex- 
posed (and  there  are  many  more  which  I  have 
not  brought  forward)  invite  attack. 
8* 


90  COMPOSITION  OF  MOBS. 

To  any  such  inquirers,  let  me  say  there 
are  many  ways  in  which  a  body  organized 
as  are  the  Cathohcs.  and  moving  in  concert, 
mi2:ht  disturb  (to  use  the  mildest  term)  the 
S^ood  order  of  the  republic,  and  thus  compel 
us  to  present  to  observing  Europe  the  spectacle 
of  repubhcan  anarchy.  Who  is  not  aware 
that  a  great  portion  of  that  stuff  which  compo- 
ses a  mob,  ripe  for  riot  or  excess  of  any  kind, 
and  of  which  we  have  every  week  or  two  a 
fresh  example  in  some  part  of  the  country,  is  a 
Catiiohc*  population  ?  And  what  makes  it  tur- 
bulent I  Ignorance — an  io"norance  which  it  is 
for  the  interest  of  its  leaders  not  to  enlighten  ; 
for,  enlighten  a  man,  and  he  will  think  for  him- 
self, and  have  some  self-respect;  he  will  un- 
derstand the  laws,  and  know  his  interest  in 
obeying  tliem.  Keep  him  in  ignorance,  and. 
he  is  the  slave  of  the  man  who  will  tlatter  his 
passions  and  appetites,  or  awe  him  by  super- 
stitious fears.  Against  the  outbreakings  of  such 
men,  society,  as  it  is  constituted  on  our  free 
system,  can  protect  itself  only  in  one  of  two 
ways  :  it  must  either  bring  these  men  under 
the  influence  and  control  of  a  sound  republican 
and  religious  education,  or  it  must  call  in  the 
aid  of  tJte  prU-sfs  who  govern  them,  and  who 
may  permU  and  direct,  or  restrain  their  turbu- 
lence, in  accordance  with  what  they  may  judge 
at  any  particular  time  to  be  the  interest  of  the 
church.     Yes,  be  it  well  remarked,  the  same 

*  At  the  time  this  was  written,  riots  in  this  country 
were  almost  entirely  confined  to  the  emigrants  from  for- 
sie:n  countries  employed  as  laborers  on  our  rail-roads, 
canals  &c. 


PRIEST  POLICE.  91 

hands  that  can,  whenever  it  suits  their  inter- 
est, restrain,  can  also,  at  the  proper  time,  "  let 
slip  the  dogs  of  i6'«r."  In  this  mode  of  re- 
straint by  a  police  of  priests,  by  substituting 
the  ecclesiastical  for  the  civil  power,  the  priest- 
led  mobs  of  Portugal  and  Spain,  and  South 
America,  are  instructive  examples.  And  start 
not,  American  reader,  this  kind  of  police  is 
already  established  in  our  country !  We 
have  had  mobs  again  and  again,  which  neither 
the  civil  nor  military  power  have  availed  any 
thing  to  quell,  until  the  magic  '■^  peace,  he  still,^ 
of  the  Catholic  priest  has  hushed  the  winds, 
and  calmed  the  waves  of  popular  tumult.* 
While  I  write,  what  mean  the  nes^otiations  be- 
tween  two  Irish  bands  of  emigrants  in  hostile 
array  against  each  other,  shedding  each  other's 
blood  upon  our  soil,  settling  with  the  bayo- 
net miserable  foreign  feuds  which  they  have 
brought  over  the  waters  with  them?  Why 
have  not  the  civil  and  military  power  been 
able  to  restore  order  among'  them  and  obe- 
dience to  our  laws,  without  calling  in  the 
priests  to  negotiate  and  settle  the  terms  on 
which  they  will  cease  from  violating  our  laws?t 

*  See  note  J. 

t  As  our  readers  have  probably  forgotten  tke  particu- 
lars of  the  affair  here  alluded  to,  we  subjoin,  from  the 
Jc  urnal  of  Commerce,  a  copy  of  the  agreement  subscribed 
by  the  leaders  of  the  riot.  The  civil  and  military  author- 
ities of  Maryland  had  tried  repeatedly,  but  in  vain,  to 
quell  the  rioters. — Ed.  Obs. 

Frovi  the  Jo\u)-nal  of  Commerce. 
The  Rioters.— It  appears  by  the  following  notice,  that 
the  rioters  on  the  Baltimore  and  Washington  Eail-road 
ha\e  concluded  a  treaty  of  peace,  through  the  intervention 


92  RECENT  EXERCISE  OF  ITS  POWER. 

Have  the  priests  become  iiecessaiy  in  our  polit- 
ical system?  Have  the  emissaries  of  a  foreign 
despotic  power  stolen  this  march  upon  us  ? 
Can  they  tell  their  foreign  masters,  '■'-ice  alrea- 
dy rule  the  mob'P^  Yes,  and  facts  will  bear 
them  out  in  their  boastincr  * 

And  what  now  prevents  the  interference  of 
CathoHcs,  as  a  sect,  directly  in  the  foUtical 
elections  of  the  country  ?  They  are  organized 
under  their  priests:  is  there  any  thing  in  their 
religious  principles  to  restrain  them?  Do  not 
Catholics  of  the  present  day  use  the  bonds  of 
rehgious  union  to   efiect   political   objects   in 

of  a  priest.  There  was  considerable  talk  during  the  late 
riots  in  this  city,  of  calling  in  the  agency  of  the  priests  to 
put  an  end  to  the  disturbance.  No  doubt  it  would  have 
been  eflectual. 

AGREEMENT. 

On  the  24ih  of  June,  1834,  the  subscribers,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  Rev.  John  McElroy,  have  respectively  and  mu- 
tually agreed  to  bury  for  ever,  on  their  own  part,  and  on 
behalf  of  their  respective  sections  of  country,  all  remem- 
brance of  feuds  and  animosities,  as  well  as  injuries  sus- 
tained. They  also  promise  to  each  other,  and  make  a 
sincere  tender  of  their  intention  to  preserve  peace,  har- 
mony, and  good  feeling  between  persons  of  every  part  of 
their  native  country  without  distinction. 

They  further  mutually  agree  to  exclude  from  their  hou- 
ses and  premises,  all  disorderly  persons  of  every  kind,  and 
particularly  habitual  drunkards.  They  are  also  resolved, 
and  do  intend  to  apply,  in  all  cases  where  it  is  necessary, 
to  the  civij  authorities,  or  to  the  laws  of  the  country  for 
redress — and  finally,  they  are  determined  to  use  their  ut- 
most endeavors  to  enforce,  by  word  and  example,  these 
their  unanimous  resolutions. 
Signed  bv  fourteen  of  the  men  employed  )       v  v  ir   f    ii 

on  the  ■4th,  5ih,  and  8th  sections  of  "the  >  ^^  ^,^  ^'\  ^'^ 

2d  division,  E.  and*  W.  R.  R.  )       ^^^^P'^3'ed. 

And  also  by  thirteen  of  the  8Lh  section  of )  on  behalf  of  all 

the  1st  division.  5      emploj'ed. 

*  See  note  K. 


POPERY  INTERFERES  IN  FOREIGN  POLITICS.  93 

Other  countries?  Did  not  the  Pope  interfere 
in  Poland  in  the  late  revohition,  and,  through 
the  priests,  command  submission  to  the  tyran- 
ny of  the  Czar  ?  At  the  moment  I  am  writing-, 
are  not  monks  and  priests  leaders  in  the  held 
of  battle  in  Spain;  in  Portugal?  Is  not  the 
Pope  encouraging  the  troops  of  Don  Miguel, 
and  exciting  priests  and  people  to  arms  in  a 
civil  contest?  Has  Popery  abandoned  its  ever- 
busy  meddlins:  in  the  politics  of  the  countries 
where  it  obtains  foothold  I* 

Will  it  be  said,  that  however  officious  in  the 
old  countries,  yet  here,  by  some  strange  meta- 
morphosis. Popery  ha$  changed  its  character, 
and  is  modified  by  our  institutions  ;  that  here 
it  is  surely  religious,  seeking  only  the  religious 
welfare  of  the  people — that  it  does  not  meddle 
with  the  state  ?t  It  is  not  true  that  Popery 
meddles  not  with  the  politics  of  the  country. 
The  cloven  foot  has  already  shown  itself  Po- 
jjery  is  organized  at  the  elections !  For  ex- 
ample :  in  Michigan,  the  Bishop  Richard,  a 
Jesuit,  (since  deceased,)  was  several  times  cho- 
sen delegate  to  Congress  from  the  territory,  the 
majority  of  the  people  being  Catholics.  As 
Protestants  became  more  numerous,  the  con- 
test between  the  bishop  and  his  Protestant  rival 
was  more  and  more  close,  until  at  length,  by 
the  increase  of  Protestant  emigration,  the  latter 
triumphed.  The  bishop,  in  order  to  detect  any 
delinquency  in  his  flock  at  the  polls,  had  his 
ticket  printed  on  colored  jjoper  7  Whether  any 
were  so  mutinous  as  not  to  vote  according  to 
*  See  note  L.  t  See  note  M. 


94  POPERY  INTERFERES  IN  OUR  ELCETI0N3. 

orders,  or  what  penance  was  inflicted  for  diso- 
bedience, I  did  not  learn.  The  fact  of  such  a 
truly  Jesuitical  mode  of  espionage  I  have  from 
a  gentleman  resident  at  that  time  in  Detroit. 
Is  not  a  fact  like  this  of  some  importance? — 
Does  it  not  show  that  Popery,  with  all  its  spe- 
ciousness,  is  the  same  here  as  elsewhere  ?  It 
manifests,  when  it  has  the  opportunity,  its  gen- 
uine disposition  to  use  spiritual  power  for  the 
promotion  of  its  ie??iporal  ambition.  It  uses  its 
ecclesiastical  weapons  to  control  an  election. 

In  Charleston,  S.  C.  the  Roman  Catholic 
Bishop,  England,  is  said  to  have  boasted  of  the 
number  of  votes  that  he  could  control  at  an 
election.  I  have  been  informed,  on  authority 
which  cannot  be  doubted,  that  in  New- York,  a 
priest,  in  a  late  election  for  city  officers,  stopped 
his  congregation  after  mass  on  Sunday  and 
urged  the  electors  not  to  vote  for  a  particular 
candidate,  on  the  ground  of  his  being  an  anti- 
Catholic  ;  the  result  was  the  election  of  the 
Catholic  candidate. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  multiply  facts  of  this  nature, 
nor  will  it  be  objected  that  these  instances  are 
unworthy  of  notice,  because  of  their  local  or 
circums,cribed  character.  Surely  American 
Protestants,  freemen,  have  discernment  enough 
to  discover  beneath  them  the  cloven  foot  of  this 
subtle  foreign  heresy,  and  will  not  wait  for  a 
more  extensive,  disastrous,  and  overwhelming 
political  interference,  ere  they  assunie_the  atti- 
tude of  watchfulness  and  defence.  {They  will 
v/  [  see  that  Popery  is  now,  what  it  has  ever  been, 
a  system  of  the  darkest  j^olitical  intrigue  and 


ITS  CHARACTEn  AT  HEAD-QCARTERS.  95 

despotism,  cloaking  itself,  to  avoid  attack,  under 
the  sacred  naiiio  of  religion.  They  will  be 
deeply  impressed  with  tfie  truth,  that  Popery  is 
a  jmUtical  as  well  as  a  religious  system  ;  that 
ill  this  respect  it  ditfers  totally  from  all  other 
sects,  from  all  other  forms  of  religion  in  the 
country.  Popery  imhodies  in  itself  the  clo- 
sest UNION  OF  Church  AND  State.  Observe 
it  at  the  fountain-head.  In  the  Roman  States 
the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  offices  are  blended 
together  in  the  same  individual.  The  Pojje  is 
the  Kiii^.  A  Cardinal  is  Secretary  of  State. 
The  Consistory  of  Cardinals  is  the  Cabitiel 
Coimcil,  the  Ministry^  and  they  are  Viceroys 
in  the  provinces.  The  Archbishops  are  Am- 
bassadors to  foreign  courts.  The  Bishops  are 
Judges  and  Magistrates ;  and  the  road  to 
preferment  to  most,  if  not  all  the  great  offices  of 
state,  is  through  the  priesthood.  In  Rome,  and 
the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  the  temporal  and 
spiritual  powers  are  so  closely  united  in  the 
same  individual,  that  no  attack  ca-n  be  made  on 
any  temporal  misrule  without  drawing  down 
upon  the  assailants  the  vengeance  of  the  s^pir- 
itual  power  exercised  by  the  same  individual. 
Is  the  Judge  corrupt  or  oppressive,  and  do  the 
people  rise  against  him — the  Judge  retires  into 
the  Bishop^  and  in  his  sacred  retreat  cries, 
"  Touch  not  the  Lord's  annointed." 

Can  we  not  discern  the  'political  character  of 
Popery  ?     Shall  the  name  of  Religion^  artfully 
connected  with  it,  still  blind  our  eyes  ?     Let  us 
suppose  a  body  of  men  to  combine  together,  and  , 
claim  as  their  right,  that  all  public  and  private  \ 


96  POPERV  STRIPPED  OF  ITS  RELIGIOUS  CLOAK. 

2}ropertj/,  of  whatever  klndj  is  held  at  their 
disposal ;  that  theij  alone  are  to  judge  of  their 
own  right  to  dispose  of  it;  that  they  alone  are 
authorized  to  think  or  speak  on  the  subject ; 
that  they  loho  speak  or  write  in  opposition  to 
them  arc  traitors,  and  must  be  pnt  to  death  ; 
that  all  temporal  power  is  secondary  to  theirs^ 
and  amenable  to  their  superior  and  infallible 
judgment ;  and  the  better  to  hide  the  presump- 
tion of  these  tyrannical  claims,  suppose  that 
these  men  should  pretend  to  divine  right,  and 
call  tlieir  system  Religion,  and  so  claim  the 
protection  ot"  our  laws,  andpleadihs^  conscience, 
demand  to  be  tolerated.  Would  the  name  of 
Religion  he  a  cloak  sufficiently  thick  to  hide 
such  absurdity,  and  shield  it  from  public  in- 
diofuation  ?  Take,  then,  from  Popery  its  name 
of  Religion ;  strip  its  officers  of  their  pompous 
titles  o( sacredness,'Andi  its  decrees  of  the  nau- 
seous cant  of  piety*  and  what  have  you  re- 
mainino;?  Is  it  not  a  naked,  odious  Despotism, 
depending  for  its  streno^th  on  the  observance  of 
the  strictest  military  discipline  in  its  ranks,  from 
the  Pope,  throuofh  his  Cardinals,  Archbishops, 
Bishops,  &c.  down  to  the  lowest  priest  of  his 
dominions?  And  is  not  this  despotism  acting 
politically  in  this  country?"  , 

Let  us  suppose,  for  the  "sake  of  illustration, 
that  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  in  a  conceited 
dream  of  divine  rig^ht  to  universal  empire,  should 
parcel  out  our  country  into  couA^enient  districts, 

♦Through  the  Leopold  Foundation  reports  there  is  this 
perpetual  cant  of  ^ie<7/ ;  We  have  "j^iM^s  prelate,"  ^^  pious 
purpose,"  "■pious  end,"  ^^ pious  curiosity,"  ^^ pious  dread," 
"pioMs  progress,"  and  even  ^^ pious  dress." 


ILLUSTRATION  OP  THE  RELIGIOUS  DISGUISE  OF  POPERY.      97 

and  should  proclaim  his  intention  to  exercise 
his  rightful  sway  over  these  states,  now  not 
ownino^  his  control ;  should  we  not  iusdy  lano-h 
at  his  ridiculous  pretensions?  But  suppose  he 
should  proceed  to  appoint  his  Viceroys^  Grand 
Liiperlal  Dnkcs,  giving  to  one  the  title  of  "  his 
Grace  of  Alhany^^''  to  another  the  "  Grand 
Duke  of  Washington,^^  and  to  another  "  his 
Imperial  Highness  of  Savamiah,^^  and  should 
send  them  out  to  take  possession  of  their  dis- 
tricts, and  subdue  the  people  as  fast  as  practica- 
ble to  their  proper  obedience  to  his  legitimate 
sway  :  and  should  these  pompous  Viceroys,  with 
their  train  of  sub-officers,  actually  come  over 
from  Russia,  and  erect  their  government  houses, 
and  commence  by  comphant  manners  and  fair 
promises  to  procure  lands  and  rentals  to  hold 
in  the  power  of  the  Emperor,  and  under  the 
guise  of  educatinor  the  rising  generation  should 
begin  to  sap  the  foundations  of  their  attachment 
to  the  government,  by  blinding  their  reasoning 
faculties,  and  by  the  Russian  catechism  instil- 
ling the  doctrine  of  passive  obedience,  and  the 
divine  right  of  the  Emperor  ;  v/hat  would  we 
say  to  all  this  ?  Ridiculous  as  the  first  conceit- 
ed dream  of  imperial  ambition  appeared,  if  mat- 
ters got  to  this  pass,  we  should  begin  to  think 
that  there  was  something  serious  in  the  attempt, 
and,  very  properly  too,  be  a  little  alarmed. — ■ 
Suppose  then,  further,  that  the  Emperor's  cause, 
by  Russian  emigration,  and  the  money  supplied 
by  the  Emperor,  had  become  so  strong  that  the 
Viceroys  were  imboldened,  in  a  cautious  way,  to 
try  their  influence  upon  some  of  the  local  elec- 


98  rr.LUSTRATiox  continued. 

tions  ;  that  the  Russian  party  had  become  a 
body  somewhat  formidable;  that  its  foreign 
leaders  had  their  passive  obedience  troops  so 
well  under  command  as  to  make  themselves 
necessary  in  thepo/ice  of  the  country;  that  we 
feared  to  ojfend  them,  that  the  secular  ])ress 
favored  them*  and  the  iini)vincipled  courted 
them;  to  what  point  then,  in  the  process  of 
gradually  surrendering  our  liberties  to  the  Rus- 
sian Czar,  should  we  have  come  ;  and  how  near 
to  their  accomplishment  would  be  those  wild 
dreams  of  imperial  ambition,  which  we  had,  in 
the  first  instance,  ridiculed? 

And  is  this  a  caricature?  What  is  the  dif- 
ference between  the  real  claims,  and  efforts, 
and  condition  of  Popery  at  this  moment  in  these 
United  States,  and  tlie  supposed  claims,  and 
efforts,  and  condition  of  the  Russian  despotism  ? 
The  one  comes  diss^uised  under  the  name  of 
JReligioHjihe  other,  more  honest  and  more  harm- 
less, would  come  in  its  real  political  name.  Give 
the  latter  the  name  of  Religion,  call  the  Em- 
peror, Pope,  and  his  Viceroys,  Bishops,  inter- 
lard the  imperial  decrees  with  pious  cant,  and 
you  have  the  case  of  pretension,  and  intrig-ue, 
and  success,  too,  which  has  actually  passed  in 
these  United  States  !  Yes,  the  King  of  Rome, 
acting  by  the  promptings  of  the  Austrian  Cabi- 
net, and  in  the  plentitude  of  his  usurpation,  has 

*  Is  this  a  harsh  judgment  on  the  secular  press  1  If  a 
secular  paper  ventures  to  remonstrate  against  Catholics,  is 
not  the  cry  of  intolerance  or  persecution  at  once  raised,  and 
the  editor  scared  away  from  his  duty  of  exposing  the  se- 
cret political  enemies  of  the  republic,  under  the  false  notion 
that  he  is  engaged  in  a  religious  controversy  1 


KVIDEN'CK  OF  CONSPIHACY  ADDUCED.  99 

already  extended  liis  sceptre  over  our  land;  he 
has  divided  ns  np  into  provinces,  and  appoint- 
ed his  Viceroys,  who  claim  tlieir  jurisdiction* 
from  a  hi2:lier  power  than  exists  in  this  coun- 
try, even  hom  his  majesty  himself,  who  appoints 
the'm,  who  removes  them  at  will,  to  whom  they 
owe  allegiance  ;  for  the  extension  of  whose  tem- 
poral kin2:dom  they  are  exerting  themselves, 
and  whose  success,  let  it  be  indehbly  iinpressed 
on  your  minds,  is  the  certain  destruction  of  the  - 
free  institutions  of  our  country. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Evidence  enou"-h  of  conspiracy  adduced  to  create  great  alarm— TIiO 
caii^e  of  liberty  universally  deiirduds  that  we  should  a\val<e  to  a 
gonse  ofdanoer— An  attack  is  matlc  whicli  is  to  try  the  moralstrenglh 
oftlu-  rcpublic-The  mode  of  defence  that  mi;j!ht  be  consistently 
recommended  bv  Austrian  Popery-A  mode  now  m  actual  opera- 
tion  in  Europe— Contrary  to  tlie  entire  spirit  of  American  1  rotcst- 
autism— True  mode  of  defence— Popery  must  be  opposed  byantag- 
oi.i^t  institutions— Ignorance  must  be  dispelled— Popular  iunorance 
of  all  Paiial  countries-Popery  the  natural  enemy  of  fCrteraZ  educa- 
tjoii— Popish  efforts  to  spread  education  in  the  United  fctates  de- 
lusive. 

Is  not  the  evidence  I  have  exhibited  in  my 
previous  numbers  sufficiently  strong  to  prove 
to  my  countrymen  the  existence  of  a  foreign 
conspiraci/  ao^ainst  the  liberties  of  the  country  7 
Does  tlie  nature  of  the  case  admit  of  stronger 
evidence?  or  must  we  wait  for  some  positive, 
undis^Tuised  acts  of  oppression,  before  we  will 
believe  that  we  are  attacked  and  in  danger  I 
Must  we  wait  for  a  formal  declaration  of  war? 
The  serpent  has  already  commenced  his  coil 
about  our  limbs,  and  the  lethargy  of  his  poison 
is  creeping  over  us  ;  shall  we  be  more  sensible 

♦  "  Indiana  and  Illinois,  two   states  dependinsr  on  my 
^uriscUdion  /"—[My  Lord  Bishop  Flagei's  Letter.] 


100  WE  MUST  WAKE  TO  A  SENSE  OF  DANGER. 

of  tlie  torpor  v/hen  it  has  fastend  upon  our  vi- 
tals '/  The  lioiise  is  on  fire  ;  can  we  not  be- 
lieve it  till  tlie  flames  hav^e  touched  our  flesh? 
Is  not  tlie  enemy  already  organized  in  the  land '? 
Can  we  not  perceive  all  around  us  the  evidence 
of  his  presence  ?  Have  not  the  wily  manoeu- 
verinsrs  of  despotism  already  commenced?  Is  he 
not  inveio-lino-  our, children  to  his  schools  ?  Is  he 
not  intriguiuir  with  the  press]  Is  he  not  usurjiing 
the  police  of  the  country,  andshowingliis  front 
in  our  political  councils  ?  .  Because  no  foe  is  oil 
the  sea,  no  hostile  armies  on  our  plains,  may 
Vv''e  sleep  securely?  Shall  we  watch  only  on 
the  outer  walls,  while  the  sappers  and  miners  of 
foreia^n  despots  are  at  work  under  our  feet,  and 
steadily  advancing  beneath  the  very  citadel? 
Where  is  that  unwearying  vigilance  which  the 
eloquent  Burke  proclaimed  to  bo  the  character- 
istic of  our  fathers,  who  did  not  wait  to  feel  op- 
pression, but  ^'-augured  misgovcniment  at  a 
distance,  and  snuffed  the  approach  of  tyranny 
in  every  tainted  breeze  /"  Are  we  their  sons, 
and  shall  we  sleep  on  our  posts?  We  may 
sleep,  but  the  enemy  is  awake ;  he  is  straining 
every  nerve  to  possess  himself  of  our  fair  land. 
We  must  awake,  or  we  are  lost.  Foundations 
are  attacked,  fundamental  principles  are  tlueat- 
ened,  interests  are  put  in  jeopardy,  which  throw 
all  the  questions  Vv?"hich  now  agitate  the  coun- 
cils of  the  country  into  the  ^hade.  It  is  Liber- 
ty  zV.'^e//' that  is  in  danger,  not  the  liberty  of  a 
sinofle  state,  no,  nor  of  the  United  States,  but 
the  liberty  of  the  loorld.  Yes,  it  is  tlie  ivorld 
that  has  its  anxious  eyes  upon  us;  it  is  the 


THE  MORAL  STRENul'II  OF  THE  REPUBLIC  ATTTACKED.      101 

rcorld  that  cries  to  us  in  tlie  aofony  of  its  strng- 
gles  against  despotism,  the  World  expects 
America,  republican  America,  to  do  her 

DUTY. 

Our  institutions  have  ah'eady  withstood  ma- 
ny assaults  from  within  and  from  without,  but 
the  war  has  now  assumed  a  new  shape.  An 
effort  is  now  making  that  is  to  try  the  moral 
strength  of  the  Republic.  It  is  not  a  physi- 
cal contest  on  the  land  or  on  the  water.  The 
issue  depends  not  on  the  strength  of  our  ar- 
mies or  navies.  How  then  shall  we  defend 
ourselves  from  this  iieiv,  this  subtle  attack? 

"  Defend  yourselves  !"  cries  the  Austrian  Pa- 
pist;  "you  cannot  defend  yourselves;  your 
government,  in  its  very  nature,  is  not  strong 
enough  to  protect  you  against  foreign  or  domes- 
tic conspiracy.  You  must  here  take  a  lesson 
from  legitimate  governments  ;  we  alone  can 
teach  the  effectual  method  of  suppressing  con- 
spiracies. You  say  you  have  a  body  of  con- 
spirators against  your  liberties,  a  body  of  for- 
eigners who  are  spreading  their  pernicious 
heresies  through  your  land,  and  endangering 
the  state.  The  weakness  of  republicanism  is 
now  manifest.  Wliat  constitutional  or  legal 
provision  meets  the  difficulty  ?  Where  are 
your  laws  jnoJiihiting  Catholics  from  preach- 
ing or  teaching  their  doctrines,  and  erecting 
their  chapels,  churches,  and  schools?  Where 
is  your  jjassport  syste7n,  to  enable  you  to  know 
the  movements  of  ever  man  of  them  in  the  land  ? 
Where  is  your  Gens  dUirmerie^  your  armed 
police,  those  useful  agents,  whose  domiciliary 
9* 


102  PAPAL  MODE  OF  GUARDING  THE  STATE. 

visits  could  ferret  out  every  Catholic,  seize  and 
examiue  his  papers,  and  keep  him  from  farther 
mischief  ill  tlie  duno^eonsoflhe  state?  Where 
are  your  laws  that  can  terrify,  by  the  penalty 
of  imprisonment,  any  man  that  dares  to  utter 
an  opinio fi  a^a.\nsl  ihe,  government?  Where 
is  your  judicious  censorship  of  the  press,  to  si- 
lence the  Catholic  journals,  and  stifle  any  Cath- 
olic sentiments  in  other  journals?  Where  is 
your  Index  expurgatorijis,  to  denounce  all 
unsafe  books,  that  no  Catholic  book  may  be 
printed  or  admitted  into  the  country  ?  Where 
is  your  system  oi  espionage,  that  no  Protestant 
may  read  a  Catholic  publication,  or  express  in 
conversation  a  sino;le  sentiment luifavorable  to 
Protestantism,'  without  behio;  overlooked  and 
ov^erheard  by  some  faithful  spy,  and  reported  to 
the  2:t)vernment  ?  Where  are  the  officers  in 
your  post-office  department  for  the  secret  ex- 
amination  of  letters,  so  that  even  the  most  con- 
fidential correspondence  may  be  purified  from 
dan2:erous  heresy  ?  Where  is  your  secret  In- 
qnisitorial  Court  for  the  trial  and  condemna- 
tion of  apostate  Protestants  ?  Without  these 
chano:es  in  the  constitution  and  laws  of  your 
government,  you  can  oppose  no  efficient  obsta- 
cle to  the  success  of  this  conspiracy." 

And  what  shall  I  reply  to  this  consistent  Papist? 
The  methods  he  would  prescribe  have  the  sanc- 
tion of  successful  experiment  for  some  centu- 
ries. They  are  in  sober  truth  the  very  means 
that  Popery  employs  at  this  very  day,  in  the 
countries  where  it  is  dominant,  to  prevent  the 
spread  of  opinions  contrary  to  its  own  dogmas. 


THE  LIVING  PRINXIFLE  OF  OUR  INSTITUTIONS.  103 

But  are  these  the  methods  that  cornniend 
themselves  to  American  Protestants  /  Does 
not  such  acambroas  machinery  of  chains,  and 
boUs,  and  bayonets,  snd  soldiers,  to  hold  tlio 
mind  in  bondage,  seem  rather  a  dream  of  the 
dark  ages,  than  a  real  system  now  in  actual 
operation  in  the  nineteenth  centro'y  7  Away 
with  Austrian  and  Popish  precedent.  Ameri- 
can Protestantism  is  of  a  different  school. 
It  needs  none  of  the  aids  which  are  indis- 
pensable to  the  crumbling  despotisms  of  Eu- 
rope ;  no  soldiers,  no  restrictive  enactments, 
no  Index  expurgatorins,  no  Inquisition.  This 
war  is  the  war  of  principles  ;  it  is  on  the  open 
field  of  free  discussion  ;  and  the  victory  is  to  be 
won  by  the  exercise  of  moral  energy,  by  the 
force  of  religious  and  political  truth.  But  still 
it  is  a  ivar,  and  all  true  patriots  must  wake  to 
the  cry  of  danger.  They  must  up  and  gird 
themselves  for  battle.  li  is  no  false  alarm. 
Our  liberties  are  in  danger.  The  Philistines 
are  upon  us.  Their  bonds  are  prepared,  and 
they  intend,  if  they  can,  to  fasten  them  upon 
our  limbs.  We  must  shake  off  our  lethargy, 
and  like  the  sfiant  awaking  from  his  sleep,  snap 
these  shackles  asunder.  We  are  attacked  in 
vulnerable  points  by  foreign  enemies  to  all  lib- 
erty. We  must  no  lon^rer  indulge  a  quiet  com- 
placency in  our  institutions,  as  if  there  were  a 
charm  in  the  simple  name  of  American  liberty 
sufficiently  potent  to  repel  all  invasion.  For 
what  constitutes  the  life  of  our  justly  cherished 
institutions  ?  Where  is  the  living  principle  that 
sustains  them?     Is  it  in  the  air  we  breathe? 


104  TRUE  MODE  OF  DEFENCE. 

Is  it  ill  tlie  soil  we  cultivate?  Is  our  air  or  our 
soil  more  congenial  to  liberty  than  the  air  and 
soil  of  Austria,  or  Italy,  or  Spain  ?  No  !  The 
life  of  our  institutions  ! — it  is  a  moral  and  in- 
tellcctiialM^Q]  it  lies  in  the  culture  of  the  human 
mind  and  heart,  of  the  reason  and  conscience; 
it  is  bound  up  in  principles  which  must  be 
taught  by  father  to  son,  from  generation  to  gen- 
eration, with  care,  with  toil,  witli  sacrifice. — 
Hide  the  Bible  for  fifty  years — (we  will  not  ask 
for  tlie  hundred  years  so  graciously  granted  by 
the  autocrat  to  stifle  liberty) — hide  the  Bible  for 
fifty  years,  and  let  our  children  be  under  the 
guidance  of  men  whose  first  exercise  upon  the 
yonthtul  mind  is  to  teach  that  lesson  of  old 
school  sophistry  which  distorts  it  forever,  and 
binds  it  through  life  in  bonds  of  error  to  the 
dictation  of  a  man — a  man  whom,  in  the  same 
exercise  of  distorted  reason,  he  is  persuaded  to 
believe  infallible  ;  let  these  Jesuit  doctors  take 
the  place  of  our  Protestant  instructors,  and 
where  will  be  the  political  institutions  of  the 
country?  Fifty  years  would  amply  suffice  to 
give  the  victory  to  the  despotic  principle,  and 
realize  the  most  sanguine  wishes  of  the  tyrants 
of  Europe. 

The  first  thing  to  be  done  to  secure  safety, 
is  to  open  our  eyes  at  once  to  the  reality  and  the 
extent  of  the  danger.  We  mrjst  not  walk  on 
blindly,  crying  "  all's  well."  The  enemy  is  in 
all  our  borders.  He  has  spread  himself  throuijh 
all  the  land.  The  ramifications  of  this  foreisfn 
plot  ^YQ  everywhere  visible  to  all  who  will 
open  their  eyes.     Surprising  and  unwelcome 


POPERY  IN  FAVOR  OF  IGNORANCE.  103 

as  is  such  an  announcement,  we  must  bear  it 
and  recjard  it.   We  must  make  an  immediate, 

A  VIGOROUS,  A  UNITED,  A  PERSEVERING  EF- 
FORT TO  SPREAD  RELIGIOUS  AND  INTELLECT- 
UAL CULTIVATION  THROUGH  EVERY    PART  OF 

OUR  COUNTRY.  Not  a  viUas^e  nor  a  lo2r-hut  of 
the  land  should  be  overlooked.  Where  Popery 
has  put  darkness,  we  must  put  light.  Where 
Popery  has  planted  fts  crosses,  its  colleger,  its 
churches,  its  chapels,  its  nunneries,  Protestant 
patriotism  must  put  side  by  side  col  les^e  for  col- 
lege, seminary  for  seminary,  church  for  church. 
And  the  money  must  not  be  kept  back.  Does 
Austria  send  her  tens  ofthousaijds  tosubjUiJ"cite 
us  to  the  principles  of  darkness?  We  must  send 
our  hundreds  of  thousands,  ay,  our  millions, 
if  necessary,  to  redeem  our  children  from  the 
double  bon'dasfe  of  spiritual  and  temporal  slave- 
ry, and  preserve  to  tliem  American  light  and 
liberty.  The  food  of  Popery  is  ignorance.  J^rno- 
rance  is  the  rnothef 'of  Papal  devotion.  Igno-' 
ranee  is  the  legitimate  prey  of  Popery. 

But  some  one  here  asks,  are  not  the  Romau 
Catholics  establishitio;  schools  andcol!e2:es,  and 
seminaries  of  various  kinds,  in  the  destitute 
parts  of  the  land?  Are  they  not  also  zealous 
for  education  ?  May  we  not  safely  assist  them 
in  their  endeavors  to  enlis'hten  the  ignorant? 
Enlighten  the  ignorant !  Does  Popery  enlight- 
en the  ignorant  of  Spain,  of  Portugal,  of  Italy, 
of  Ireland,  of  South  America,  of  Canada  I  What 
sort  of  instruction  is  that,  in  the  latter  country 
for  example,  which  leaves  78,000  out  of  87,000 
of  its  grown  up  scholars,  signers  of  a  petition 


106  POPERY  THE  NATURAL  ENEMY  OF  GENERAL  EDUCATION. 

by  their  mark,  unable  to  write  their  own  names, 
and  many  of  the  remaining  sio^ners  who  write 
nothing  biU  their  jiames  ?     AYhat  sort  of  hght 
is  that  which  generates  darkness  ?     Popery  en- 
lighten tlie  ignorant !     Popery  is  tJte  natural 
enemy  of  gkineral  edncation.  Do  3^011  ask  for 
proof/     It  is  overwhehning.     Look  at  the  in- 
tellectual condition  of  all  the  countries  where 
Popery  is  dominant.     If  Popery  is  in  favor  of 
general  education,  why  are  the  great  mass  of 
the  people,  in  the  papal  countries  1  have  named, 
the  most  ill-informed,  mentally  degraded  beings 
of  all  the  civilized   world,   arbitrarily  shut  out 
by  law  from   all   knowledge  but  that  which 
makes  them  slaves  to  the  tyranny  of  their  op- 
pressors 'I     No !   look   well  to  it !     If   Popery 
in  this  country  is  professing  friendship  to  gen- 
eral knowledge,  it  is  a  feiijned  alliance.     If  it 
pretends  to  be  in  favor  of  educating  the  jmnr, 
it  is  a  fldse  pretence,  it  is  only  temporizing ;  it 
is  conf or  filing  for  the  present,  from  policy,  to 
the  spirit  of  Protestantism  around  it,  that  it 
may  forge  its  chains  widi  less  suspicion.     If  it 
is  ekablishing  schools,  it  is  to  make  i\\Qm  pris- 
ons of  the  youthful  intellect  of  the  country.     If 
the  Papists  in    Europe  are  really  desirous  of 
enliglitcning  ignorant  Americans  by  establish- 
ing "schools^  let  them  make  their  first  efforts 
among  their  brethren  of  the  same  faith  in  Can- 
ada and  Mexico. 

Do  our  fellow-citizens  at  the  South  and  West 
ask  for  schools,  and  are  there  not  funds  and 
teachers  enouoh  in  our  ov/n  land  of  wealth  and 
education  to  train  up  our  own  offspring  in  the 


WE  MUST  SPREAD  EDUCATION.  107 

free  principles  of  our  own  institutions?  or  are 
we  indeed  so  beggared  as  to  be  dependant  on 
the  charities  of  the  Holy  Alliance^  and  the  Je- 
suits of  Europe^  iox  innds  and  teachers  to  edu- 
cate our  youth — in  what  ? — the  principles 
OF  DESPOTISM  !  Forbid  it,  patriotism  !  forbid 
it,  rehgion  !  Our  own  means  are  sufficient ; 
we  have  wealth  enouorh,  and  teachers  in  abun- 
dance. We  have  only  to  will  it  with  the  reso- 
lution and  the  zeal  that  have  so  often  been 
shown,  whenever  great  national  or  moral  inter- 
ests are  to  be  subserved,  and  every  fortress,  ev- 
ery corps  of  Austrian  darkness  will  be  surround- 
ed; the  lighted  torches  of  truth,  political  and 
religious,  would  flash  their  unwelcome  beams 
into  ev^ery  secret  chamber  of  the  enemies  of  our 
liberty,  and  drive  these  ill-omened  birds  of  a 
foreign  nest  to  their  native  hidino^-place. 


CHAPTER  X. 

All  classes  of  citizens  interested  in  resisting  the  efforts  of  Popery— 
The  unnatural  alliance  of  Popery  and  Democracy  e.\]iosed — /JeiV- 
g-ioMS  ^iier/y  in  danger— Specially  in  the  keeping  of  tlie  Chrisiian 
communitv— They  must  rally  for  its  defence— The  secular  press 
has  no  sympathy  with  them  in  this  struffgle,  it  is  opposed  to  them— 
The  Po/?acoi  character  of  Popery  ever  to  be  kept  in  mind,  and  op. 
posed— It  is  for  the  Papist,  not  the  Protestant,  to  scparalr-  his  reli- 
gions from  his  political  creed— Papists  ought  to  be  required  pnblicly, 
and  formally,  and  officially  to  renounce/orez^w  allegiance^  and  aud- 
repubiican  customs. 

In  considering  the  means  of  counteracting 
this  foreis^n  pohtical  conspiracy  against  our 
free  institutions,  I  have  said  that  we  must 
awake  to  the  reality  and  extent  of  the  danger^ 
and  rouse  ourselves  to  immediate  and  vigorous 
actionem  spreading  religious  and  intellectual 
cultivation  throuo^h  the  land.     This,  indeed, 


108         POPERY  DOUBLY  OPPOSED  TO  OUR  INSTITUTIONS. 

would  be  effectual,  but  this  remedy  is  remote 
in  its  operation,  and  is  most  seriously  retarded 
by  the  enormous  increase  of  ignorance  which 
is  floodino;  the  country  by  foreign  emigra- 
tion. While,  therefore,  the  remote  effects  of 
our  exertions  are  still  provided  for,  the  pressing 
exicjency  of  the  case  seems  to  require  some 
more  immediate  eflbrts  to  prevent  the  further 
spread  of  the  evil.  The  two-fold  character  of 
the  enemy  who  is  attacking  us  must  be  well 
considered.  Popery  is  doubly  opposed— civ illi/ 
and  religionslf/— to  all  that  is  valuable  in  our 
free  institutions.  As  a  religions  system,  it  is 
the  avowed  and  common  enemy  of  every  other 
reli'jious  sect  in  the  land.  The  Episcopalian, 
the~Methodist,  the  Presbyterian,  the  Baptist, 
the  Quaker,  the  Unitarian,  the  Jew,  &c.,  &c., 
are  alike  anathematized,  are  together  obstinate 
heretics,  in  the  creed  of  the  Papist.  He  wages 
a}i  indiscriminate,  uncompromising,  extermi- 
iiatin::^:  v/ar  with  all. 

As^a  political  system,  it  is  opposed  to  every 
political  party  in  the  country.  Popery  in  its' 
very  nature  is  opposed  to  the  genius  of  our 
free  system,  notwithstandinof  its  affected,  artful 
cppropriatiou  (in  our  country  only)  of  the 
jiabits  and  phraseology  of  democracy.  Present 
policy  alone  dictates  so  unnatnral  an  alliance, 
ay,  most  unnatural  alliance.  What !  Popery 
tuid  Democracy  allied  ?  Despotism  and  Li- 
berty hand  in  hand  ?  Has  the  Sovereign  Pon^ 
tiff  "in  very  deed  turned  Democrat  in  the 
e'nited  States?  Let  us  look  into  this  incon- 
o-ruous   coalition,   this   solecism  in  politics— 


ALLIANCE  OF  POPERY  AND  DEMOCRACY  EXPOSED.         109 

Popish  Democracy.  Do  Popish  Bishops  or 
Priests  consult  tJte  people  7  Have  the  people 
any  voice  in  ecclesiastical  matters  ?  Can  the 
people  vote  their  own  taxes  l  or  are  they  ini 
posed  upon  them  by  irresponsible  priests  ?  Do 
the  bishops  and  priests  account  for  the  manner 
in  which  they  spend  the  peopWs  money') 
Has  Popery  here  adopted  the  American  prin- 
ciple of  Responsibility  to  the  People;  a 
responsibility  which  gives  the  most  insignifi- 
cant contributor  of  his  money  towards  any 
object,  a  right  to  examine  into  the  manner  in 
which  it  is  disbursed?  No!  the  people  ac- 
count to  their  priests  in  all  cases^  not  the 
priests  to  the  people  in  any  case.  What  sort 
of  Democracy  is  that  where  the  people  have  no 
pouter,  and  the  priests  have  all.,  by  divine 
rio^ht?  Let  us  hear  no  more  of  the  presump- 
tuous claim  of  Popery  to  Democracy.  Popery 
is  the  antipodes  of  Democracy.  It  is  the  same 
petty  tyrant  of  the  people  here,  as  in  Europe. 
And  this  is  the  tyranny  that  hopes  to  escape 
detection,  by  assuming  the  name,  and  adopting 
the  language  of  Democracy.*  It  is  this  ty- 
ranny that  is  courted  and  fivored  at  political 
elections  by  our  politicians  of  all  parties,  be- 
cause it  has  the  advantage  of  a  despotic  organ- 
izationt  How  much  longer  are  the  feelings 
of  the  religious  community  to  be  scandalized, 

♦  See  note  N. 

+  And  iTiy^fZdiiT/ too,  it  seems,  hasjust  learned  the  secret  of 
political  power,  and,  not  content  with  civil  and  religious 
liberty,  has  introduced  a  third  kind,  and  orsfanizing  itself 
into  a  new  interest,  demands  to  be  represented  in  the  state 
as  the  advocate  of  irreligious  liberty ! 

10 


110  KELIG!OUS  LlBSaTY  IN  DANGER. 

and  their  moral  sense  oiUra<;ed,  by  the  bare- 
faced barcrainin^s  for  Catholic  and  infidel 
votes?  Have  the  religions comnumity  no  rem- 
edy ao^ainst  such  outrage?  If  tliey  have  not, 
if  there  is  not  a  single  point  on  which  thfcy 
can  act  together,  if  the  religions  denominations 
of  various  uanies  can  have  no  understanding 
on  matters  of  this  kind,  if  they  have  no  com- 
mon bond  to  unite  them  in  repelhng  common 
enemies,  then  let  us  boast  no  more  o(  religious 
liberty.  What  is  religious  liberty?  Is  it 
merdv  a  phrase  to  round  a  period  in  a  Fourth 
of  July  oration?  Is  it  a  dazzling  sentiment 
for  Papists  to  use  in  blinding  the  eyes  of  the 
people,  while  they  rivet  upon  them  their  foreign 
cliains  of  superstition  ?  Is  it  a  shield  to  be 
held  before  infidels,  from  behind  which  they 
may  throw  their  poisoned  shafts  at  all  that  is 
orderly  and  fair  in  our  civil,  as  well  as  religious 
institutions  ?  Or  is  it  that  prize  above  all 
price,  that  heaven-descended  gift  to  the  world, 
for  wliich,  with  its  twin-sister,  we  contended  in 
our  war  for  independence,  and  which  we  are 
bouiid,  by  every  duty  to  ourselves,  to  our  chil- 
dren, to  our  country,  to  the  world,  to  guard 
with  the  most  jealous  care?  And  has  it  ever 
occurred  to  Christians  that  this  duty  of  guard- 
ins:  religious  liberty  in  a  wore  special  manner 
devolves  on  ihcm!  'Who  but  the  religious  com- 
munity appreciate  the  inestimable  value  of 
religious  liberty  ?  Are  their  interests  safe  in  the 
hands  of  the  infidel,  who  scoffs  at  all  religioit, 
and  uses  his  civil  liberty  to  subvert  all  liberty? 
Is  it  safe  in  the  hands  of  imported  radicals  and 


THE  SECULAR  PRESS  AN  UNFAITUFCL  WATCHMAN.         Ill 

blasphemers  ?     Is  it  safe  in  the  hands  of  calcu- 
latinir,  selfish,  power-seeking"  pohticians  ?     Is 
it  sale  in  the  keepinor  of  Metteniich's  stipendi- 
aries, the  active   agents  of  a  foreign  despotic 
power  ?     Does  the  secular  press  take  care  of 
our  reho-ions  hherty?     Is  tl icre  a  secular  jour- 
nal that  has  even  hinted  to  its  readers  the  ex- 
istence of  this  double  conspiracy  /     The  most 
dan^-erons  politico-reli^^ious  sect  that  ever  ex- 
isted ;  a  sect  that  has  been   notorious  for  ages 
for  throwing  governments  into  confusion,   is 
politically  at  work  in  our  own  country,  under 
the  immediate  auspices  of  the  most  despotic 
power   of  Europe,    interested    politically   and 
vitally  in  the  destruction  of  our   free  .institu- 
tions, and  is  any  alarm  manifested  by  the  sec- 
ular press  J     No  !    they   are    altogethel'  silent 
on  tliis  subject.     They  presume  it  is  only   a 
reUgioiis  controversy,  and  they  cannot  meddle 
with  religious  controversies.     They  must  not 
expose  religious  imposture,  lest  they  should  be 
called  pious.     They  have  no  idea  of  blending 
church  and  state.     They  have  a  religion  of 
their  own,  a  worship  in  which  the  public,  they 
think,  feel  a  more  exciting  interest.     One   has 
a  liberty  pole  to  be  erected,  another  a  hickory 
tree  ;  and  the  rival  pretensions  to  superiority  of 
these  wooden  gods  of  their  idolatry  it  is  of  the 
last  importance  to  settle,  and  the  bacchanalian 
revelry  of  their  consecration  must  be  recorded 
and  blazoned  forth  in  italics  and  capitals  in  its 
minutest  particulars  :  "  O  Pole  !  O  Tree  !  thou 
art  the  preserver  of  our  liberty!"    No;  if  the 
reh'si'ioiis  community  (in  which  term  I  mean  to 
include  Protestants  of  every  name  who  profess 


112   THE  RELIGIOUS  COMMUNITV'  MUST  GUARD  THEIR  RIGHTS. 

a  religious  faith)  awake  not  to  the  defence  of 
their  own  ri2:htsin  the  state,  if  they  indulge  ti- 
midity or  jealousy  of  each  other,  if  they  will 
not  come  forward  boldly  and  firmly  to  withstand 
the  encroachments  of  corruption  upon  their  own 
rights;  the  selfish  politicians  of  the  day  (and 
they  swarm  in  tlie  ranks  of  all  parties)  will  bar- 
gain away  all  that  is  valuable  in  the  country, 
civil  and  reliufious,  to  the  Pope,  to  Austria,  or*to 
any  foreign  power  that  will  pay  them  the  price 
of  their  treason. 

We  cannot  be  too  often  reminded  of  the 
double  character  of  the  enemy  who  has  gained 
foothold  upon  our  shores ;  for  althoguh  Popery  is 
a  religious  sect,  and  on  this  ground  claims  tol- 
eration side  by  side  with  other  religious  sects, 
yet  Popery  is  also  a  political^  a  despotic  sys- 
tem, which  we  must  repel  as  altogether  incom- 
patilile  with  the  existence  of  freedom.  I  repeat 
it,  Popery  is  a  political,  a  despotic  system^ 
which  must  be  resisted  by  all  true  patriots. 

Is  it  asked,  how  can  we  separate  the  charac- 
ters thus  combined  in  one  individual?  How 
can  we  repel  the  politics  of  a  Papist  without 
infringiug  upon  his  religions  right?  I  answer, 
that  this  is  a  difficulty  lor  Papists,  not  for  Pro- 
testants to  solve.  If  Papists  have  made  their 
religion  and  despotism  identical,  that  is  not 
our  fault.  Our  relimon,  the  Protestant  reli- 
gion,  and  Liberty,  are  identical,  and  liberty 
keeps  no  terms  with  despotism.  American 
Protestants  use  no  such  solecism  as  religious 
despotism.  Shall  political  heresy  be  shielded 
from  all  attack,  because  it  is  connected  with  a 
rcUs^ious  creed  1     Let  Papists  separate  their 


DILEMMA  OF  PAPISTS.  113 

religious  faith  from  their  pohtical  faith,  if  they 
can"  and  the  former  shall  suffer  no  political  at- 
tack from  US.  "  But  no,"  the  Papist  cries,  '•  I 
cannot  separate  them ;  my  religion  is  so  blend- 
ed with  the  political  system,  that  they  must  be 
tolerated  or  refused  together  ;  my  '  whole  sys- 
tem is  one,  and  indivisible,  unci uinge able,  in- 
fallible:— l^m  conscientious,  I  cannot  separate 
them."  What  are  we  to  do  in  such  a  case?-— 
Are  we  to  surrender  our  civil  and  religious  lib- 
erty to  such  presumptuous  folly? 

No  !  our  liberties  mnst  be  preserved  ;  and 
we  say,  and  say  firmly  to  the  Popish  Bishops 
and  Priests  amon^^  us.  give  us  your  declaration 
of  your  relation  to  our  civil  government.    Re^ 
noniice  your  foreign  allegiance,  your  allegi- 
ance to  a  Foreign  Soveiip:ign.     Let  us  have 
your  own  avowal  in.  an  official  manifesto,  that 
the  Democratic  Government  under  irhich  you 
here  live  delights  you  best.     Put  your  ecclesi- 
astical doings  upon  as  open   an^  popular  a 
footing  as  other  sects.     Open  your  books  to 
the    people,  that   they  Quay  scrutinize  your 
financial  matters,  that  the  people,  your  ownpeo- 
j)le,  may  know  how  much  they  pay  to  priests^ 
and  how  the  priests  expend  their  utoney  ;  that 
the  poorest  who  is  taxed  from  his  hard  earned 
ivages  for  church  dues,  and  the  richest  who 
gives  his  gold  to  support  your   extravagant 
ceremonial,  may  equally  know  that  their  con- 
tributions  are  not  misapplied.     Come  out  and 
declare  your  opinion  on  the  Liberty  of  the 
Press,    on   1/iberty   of  CoNscIE^x'E,  and 
Liberty  of  Opinion.    Americans  demand  it. 
10* 


114  THEY  MUST  RENOONCE  FOREIGN  ALLIANCE. 

They  are  waking  up.  They  have  their  eyes 
upon  you.  Think  not  the  American  Eagle  is 
asleep.  Americans  are  not  Austrians,  to  be 
hoodwinked  by  Popish  tricks.  .  This  is  a  call 
upon  yon  you  will  be  obliged  soon  to  regard. 
Nor  will  they  be  content  with  partial,  obscure 
avowals  of  republican  sentiment  in  your  jour- 
nals, by  insulated  priests,  or  even  bishops.  The 
American  people  will  require  a  more  serious 
testimonial  of  your  opinions  on  these  funda- 
mental political  points.  You  have  had  Con- 
vocations of  Bishops  at  Baltimore.  Let  us 
have  at  their  next  assembling,  their  sentiments 
on  tliese  vital  points.  Let  us  have  a  docuinent 
full  and  explicit,  signed  by  their  names,  a 
document  that  may  circulate  as  ivell  in  Aus- 
tria and  Italy  as  in  Jlmerica  ;  ay,  a  document 
that  may  he  puhUshed  "  con  permissione'^  in 
the  Diario  di  Roma,  and  be  circulated  to  in- 
struct the  faithful  in  the  united  church,  the 
churcJi  of  hut  one  mind^  in  the  sentiments  of 
American  democratic  Bishops  on  these  Ameri- 
can principles.  Let  us  see  how  they  loill  ac- 
cord ivith  those  of  his  Holiness,  Pope  Gregory 
XVL,  in  his  late  encyclical  letter  !  Will  Po- 
pish Bishops  dare  to  put  forth  such  a  manifesto  ? 
No  !  Tliey  dare  not. 

CHAPTER  XI.  / 

The  question,  what  is  t)ie  duty  of  the  Protestant  community,  consider- 
ed— Siiall  there  bean  Anti-Popery  Union  1 — The  strong  manifesto 
that  niifilit  be  put  fortli  by  such  aunion— Suclia  poliiical  union  dis- 
carded ds  inipohlic  and  degradinij  to  a  Protestant  community — Gold- 
en opportunity  for  showing  tlie  moral  encrg-j  of  tlie  Republic — The 
lawful,  efficientweaponsofthiscontest— To  be  used  without  delay. 

There  is  no  question  of  more  pressing,  more 
vital  importance  to  the  whole  country  than  this  : 


rUTY  OF  THE  PROTESTANT  COMMCNITY.  115 

Whati!^  flic  duty  of  the  Protestant  communi- 
ty in  the  perilous  condition  toivJiicltreli^-ious 
as  well  as  civil  liberty  is  reduced,  by  the  at- 
V  tempts  of  Popery  and  foregin  enemies  upon 
our  free  institutions  f  Have  Christian  patriots 
reflected  at  all  on  the  possihle,  nay,  I  will  say 
probable  loss  of  religious  liherty  ;  or  in  idea 
attempted  to  follow  out  to  their  result,  and  in 
their  immeasurable  extent,  the  fearful  conse- 
quences of  its  loss?  Why  is  it,  then,  that  no 
more  energetic  efforts  are  made  to  save  our- 
selves ? 

^ve  hear  this  fearful  tempest  sing, 

Yet  seek  no  shelter  to  avoid  the  storm  ; 
We  see  the  wind  sit  sore  upon  our  sails, 
And  yet  we  strike  not,  but  securely  perish. 
******* 

We  see  the  very  wreck  that  we  must  suffer  ; 

And  unavoided  is  the  danger  now, 

For  sulferingso  the  causes  of  our  wreck. 

Shal'spcare. 

Yes,  the  rocks  are  in  full  view  on  which  Amer- 
ican liberty  must  inevitably  be  wrecked,  unless 
all  hands  are  roused  to  immediate  action.  Our 
dangers  are  none  the  less,  be  assured;  because 
they  are  not  those  airainst  ^vliich  the  general 
cry  of  alarm  is  so  loudly  raised  by  the  two 
great  political  parties  of  iheday.  In  the  heed- 
less strife  they  are  now  waging,  the  most  super- 
lative epithets  of  alarm  have  been  already  ex- 
hausted by  each,  on  fictitious  or  comparatively 
trivial  dansrers  to  the  commonwealth.  The 
public  ear  is  deafened  by  their  noise  ;  its  se^ise 
of  hearing  is  orrown  callous  with  the  reiterated 
cries  of  alarm  on  every  slight  occasion.  "  Wolf! 
Wolf!"  has  been  so  often  flilsely  cried,  that 
now,  when  the  wolf  has  in  reality  appeared,  we 


116      FORMATION  OF  AN  ANTI-POPERT  CN^gN  CONSIDERED. 

cannot  be  made  to  realize  it.  "  If  the  trunipet 
give  an  uncertain  sound,  who  shall  prepare 
himself  for  the  battle  T  We  are  bnsyino-  our- 
selves in  quenching  the  few  falling  sparks  that 
threaten  the  deck  of  the  ship,  without  heeding 
the  fire  beneath,  that  is  approaching  the  maga- 
zine. In  this  reckless  warfare  of  passion,  and 
falsehood,  and  slander,  and  aided  by  the  deai- 
enino-  din  of  party  strife,  neither  party  seem  to 
have  observed  that  a  secret  enemy,  an  artful, 
foreign  enemy,  has  stolen  in  among  us,  joining 
his  foreign  accents  Xo  sw^ell  the  uproar,  that  he 
may  with  less  suspicion  do  his  nefarious  work.* 
Like  incendiaries  at  a  conflagration,  they  even 
cry  fire  !  loudest,  and  are  most  ostentatiously 
busy  in  seeming  to  protect  that  very  property 
which  they  watch  but  to  make  their  prey. 

What  then  can  be  done  /  Shall  Protestants 
or2:anize  themselves  into  a  political  union  after 
the  manner  of  the  Papists,  and  the  various  class- 
es of  industry  and  even  oi  foreigners  in  the 
country  7  Shall  they  form  an  Anti-Popery 
Union,  and  take  their  places  amongthis  strange 
medley  of  conflicting  interests'/  And  why 
should  they  not  ?  Various  parties  and  classes 
do  now  combine  and  organize  for  their  own 
interest ;  and  if  any  class  of  men  are  allowed 
thus  to  combine  and  promote  their  own  pecu- 
liar interests  at  the  expense  of  anotlier  class, 
that  other  class  surely  has  at  least  an  equal  right 
to  combine  to  protect  itself  against  the  excess  of 
its  antagonist.  A  denial  of  this  right  would 
certainly  come  with  an  ill  grace  from  those  who 

•  See  note  O. 


PRINCIPLES  OF  A  UNION  117 

are  already  formed  into  separate  orsfariizations, 
as  a  IVorking-  Merits  party,  as  a  Trades^ 
Union  party,  as  a  Catholic  party,  as  an  Irish 
party,  as  a  German  party,  yes,  even  as  a 
French  and  an  Italian  party.* 

And  now,  on  the  supposition  that  such  a  po- 
litical oro^anization  of  Protestants  were  expedi- 
ent, (for  it  resolves  itself  altogether  into  a  ques- 
tion of  expediency.)  let  us  see  whether  any 
party  or  interest  could  show  a  stronger  claim 
upon  the  support  of  the  whole  nation.  Its 
manifesto  might  run  thus: 

Popery  is  a  political  system^  despotic  in  its 
organization,  anti-democratic  and  anti-repub- 
lican^ and  cannot  therefore  co-exist  widi  Amer- 
ican republicanism. 

*  By  classing  these  together  at  this  moment,  I  do  not  in 
tend  to  commit  myself  as  expressing  approval  or  disap- 
proval of  the  right  of  each  and  all  of  these  to  organize,  but 
merely  to  show  that  such  organization  does  already  exist 
among  other  classes  in  thecommunity,  and  ii QYen  foreign' 
ers  among  us  are  allowed  to  exercise  the  right  to  organize 
into  a  separate  interest,  yes,  even  as  foreigners,  can  the 
right  with  any  propriety  be  refused  to  American  Chris- 
tians 1  Having  thus  stated  the  case,  lam  now  free  to 
make  the  passing  remark,  that  excluding  from  view  the 
three  clashes  first  named,  the  right  o{ foreigners  toorgaa- 
ize  as  foreigners,  for  political  purposes,  is  at  least  very 
questionable;  but  were  their  right  unquestionably  legal 
through  the  mildness  of  our  laws,  yet  the  practice  is  dan- 
gerous, indecorous,  and  a  palpable  abuse  of  political  liber- 
ality. The  Irish  naturalized  citizens  who  should  know 
no  other  name  than  Americans,  for  years  have  clanned 
together  as  Irish,  and  every  means  has  been  used,  and  is 
still  used,  especially  by  Catholics,  to  preserve  them  distinci 
from  the  American  family.  Recently  a  ])oMion  of  the  Ger- 
mans have  organized  to  keep  up  their  distinct  nationality, 
and  the  French  and  Italians  have  just  followed  the  exam- 
ple.   [Nov.  1831.]    To  what  will  all  this  lead  ] 


118  ITS  MANIFESTO.  / 

The  ratio  of  increase  of  Popery  is  the  exact 
ratio  of  decrease  of  civil  liberty. 

The  dominance  of  Popery  in  the  United 
States  is  the  certain  destruction  of  our  free  in- 
stitutions. 

Popery,  by  its  organization,  is  wholly  under 
thecontrol  of  a  foreign  despotic  Sovereign. 

Austria,  one  of  the  Holy  Alliance  of  sove- 
reigns leasfued  asrainst  the  liberties  of  the  world, 

HAS  THE  SUPERINTENDENCE  OF  THE  OPERA- 
TIONS OF  Popery  in  this  country. 

The  accents  of  Austria  in  the  United  States 
are  Jesuits  and  priests  in  the  pay  of  tliat  for- 
eign power,  in  active  correspondence  with  their 
employers  abroad,  not  bound  by  ties  of  any 
kind  to  our  government  or  country,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  impelled  by  the  strongest  motives  of 
ambition  to  serve  the  interests  of  a  despotic 
foreiofu  crovernment ;  which  ambition  has  al- 
ready,  in  one  or  more  instances,  been  gratified, 
by  promotion  of  these  agents  to  higher  office 
and  wealth  in  Europe. 

Popery  is  a  Union  of  Church  and  State, 
nor  can  Popery  exist  in  this  country  in  that 
plenitude  of  power  which  it  claims  as  a  di- 
vine riofht,  and  which,  in  the  very  nature  of  the 
system,  it  must  continually  strive  to  obtain, 
until  such  a  union  is  consummated.  Popery 
on  this  ground,  therefore,  is  destructive  to  our 
religious  as  well  as  civil  liberty. 

Popery  is  more  dangerous  and  more  formi- 
dable than  any  power  in  the  United  States,  on 
the  ground  that,  through  its  despotic  organiza- 
tion, it  can  concentrate  its  efforts  for  any  pur- 


SUCH  A  UNION  DISCARDED  AS  DEGRADING.  119 

pose  with  complete  effect ;  and  that  organiza- 
tion being  wholly  iinder/ore/^?i  control,  it  can 
have  no  real  sympathy  with  any  thing  Ameri- 
can. The  fluids,  and  intellect,  and  intriguing 
experience  of  all  Papal  and  despotic  Europe^ 
by  means  of  agents  at  this  moment  organized 
throughont  our  land,  can.  at  any  time,  be 
brought  in  aid  of  the  enterprises  of  foreign 
powers  in  this  country. 

These  are  the  grounds  upon  which  an  ap- 
peal for  support  might  be  made  to  the  patriot- 
ism, the  love  of  liberty,  the  hatred  of  tyranny, 
temporal  and  spiritual,  which  belong  in  common 
to  the  wliole  Protestant  American  family. 

But  is  this  the  plan  of  opposition  to  Popery 
that  should  be  proposed,  the  plan  which  ought 
lobe  adopted  by  the  Protestant  commnnity? 
No;  distinctly  and  decidedly  xo.  Plausible  as 
it  may  appear,  and  perfectly  in  accordance  as 
it  is  with  the  practice  of  politicians,  the  Chris- 
tian community  ought  not,  cannot  adopt  such 
an  organization.  There  must  not  be  a  Chris- 
tian party.  What  !  sliall  Christianity  throw 
aside  the  keen  moral  and  intellectual  arms  with 
which  alone  it  has  gained  and  secured  every 
substantial  victory  since  the  commencement  of 
its  glorious  career  ;  shall  it  exchange  those  arms 
of  heavenly  temper,  "  miorhty  in  pulling  down 
strong  holds,"  for  the  paltry,  earthly  (I  might 
even  say  infernal)  weapons  of  party  strife  ?  Can 
Christianity  stoop  so  low  ?  Can  it  bring  itself 
down  from  contemplating  its  great  work  of  rev- 
olutionizing the  world,  by  brinoririg  moral  truth 
to  bear  on  the  conscience  and  the  heart,  and 


120  CHRISTIANS  MUST  NOT  DEGRADE  THEMSELVES. 

narrow  its  vision  to  the  contracted  sphere  of 
party  politics  ?     Can  it  enter,  without   defile- 
ment, into  the  polluted  and  polluting  arena  of 
political  contest  ?     Can  it  consent  to  be  bargain- 
ed for  by  political  huclcsters,  or  have  the  price 
of  its  favors  hawked  in  the  market  by  political 
brokers?*     Can   it  consent   to  compete   with 
Popery  in  the  use  of  those  instruments  of  in- 
trigue, and  trick,  and  gambling  management, 
in  which  Popery  is  perfectly  skilled  from  the 
hoarded  experience  of  ages  l     Can  Christians 
present  themselves  before  the  country  and  the 
world,  in  this  enlightened   age  and  country,  as 
a  mere  political  party  ?     No,  no  ;  God   forbid 
that  we  should  forget  the  holy  character  of  our 
cause  ;  let  us  not  be  caught  in  that  snare  of  the 
enemy.     The  danger-cry  of  Church  and  State 
may  safely  be  left  to  the  people,   to  ^trumpet 
aloud  through  the  land,  when  the  blind  infat- 
uation which  now  closes  their  eyes  shall  have 
been  removed,  and  they  shall  be  able  to  see, 
what   many  already   see,   the  secret  political 
manoeuvringst  of  a  sect  whose  very  existence 
depends  upon  a  union  of  Church  and  State. 
No ;  let  American  Christianity  proclaim  anew  to 
all  the  world  that  it  can  never  be  wooed  to  any 
such  unholy  alliance.  It  will  keep  its  garments 
unspotted  from  the  crimes  of  the  State.     It  will 
take  none  of  the  responsibihties  of  the  political 
errors  of  the  age,  nor  father  any  of  the  evils 
which  the  unprincipled   politicians  of  the  day 
may  bring  upon  the  country  and  the  world,  as 
the  effect ~of  their  poUtical  bargainings. 
♦  See  note  P.  t  See  note  R. 


CHRISTIANS  MUST  EXERCISK  MORAL  ENERGY.  121 

Now  is  the  time  for  this  Christian  Republic  to 
show  her  moral  enero^y.  Europe  is  an  anxious 
spectator  of  our  contests,  and  is  watching  the 
success  of  this  new  trial  of  the  streno^th  of  our 
boasted  institutions.  Oh  !  what  a  lesson,  what 
an  impressiv^e  lesson  mio-ht  free  America  now 
read  to  Europe!  what  an  example  of  the  power 
of  moral  over  pJiysical  government  can  she 
give  to  the  world,  if  she  will  but  rouse  herself, 
in  her  moral  might,  to  the  grand  effort  which 
the  occasion  demands  !  How  would  the  petty 
jealousies  of  the  different  Protestant  sects  be 
swallov.^ed  up  in  the  ma2:nitude  of  the  one 
great  enterprise  !  How  would  every  sect  rather 
cheer  the  others  on,  in  their  united  march 
against  the  common  foe.  and  make  a  common 
rejoicing  of  the  success  of  any  and  every  corps, 
as  of  a  victorious  regiment  in  the  same  great 
army  ! 

Will  American  Christians  prepare  them-  y 
selves  for  this  enterprise?  Will  each  seci 
awake  to  the  feeling  of  its  being  a  corps  of  the 
great  Christian  army,  marching  under  the  com- 
mand of  no  earthly  leader,  fighting  with  no 
earthly  weapons,  and ^ against  no  earthly  foe) 
Will  they  wake  to  the  perception  of  the  great 
truth,  that  while  their  o^reat  Captain  allows  each 
to  act  separately  and  independently  within  cer- 
tain limits,  it  is  he  that  commands  in  chief, 
and  now  orders  all  his  soldiers,  under  whatever 
earthly  banner  enrolled,  in  united  phalanx  to 
^0  forward^  forward  in  his  single  service  ? 
Which  corps  will  first  marshal  itself  for  action? 
Which  will  be  first  in  the  field?  Which  will 
11 


122  CftTRISTIANS  MUST  IMMEDIATELY 

press  forward  with  most  zeal  for  the  honor  of 
the  advance,  for  the  post  of  danger  ?  Which 
in  the  battle  will  be  most  in  earnest  to  carry 
forward  the  standards  of  truth  and  plant  them 
upon  the  battlements  of  papal  darkness?  Will 
any  shrink  back  for  fear  ?  Will  any  be  deter- 
red from  unholy  jealousy  of  its  neighbor  ?  Will 
any  indulge  in  unchristian,  ignoble  suspicion 
of  its  brethren  ?  What  cause  have  any  for  fear, 
or  jealousy,  or  suspicion  ?  This  enterprise  asks 
no  sacrifice  of  sectarian  principle;  it  demands  no 
surrender  of  conscientious  predilection  of  each 
to  its  own  modes  and  forms  ;  but  it  does  ask 
the  sacrifice  of  petty  prejudice  ;  it  does  demand 
the  surrender  of  those  miserable  jealousies  and 
envyings  which  more  or  less  belong  to  some  of 
every  sect,  when  they  learn  the  greater  success 
of  another,  as  if  the  victory  of  one  were  not 
the  victory  of  all.  And  what  are  the  weapons 
of  this  warfare  ?  The  Bible,  the  Tract,  the  In- 
fant school,  the  Sunday  school,  the  common 
school  for  all  classes,  the  academy  for  all  class- 
es, the  college  and  university  for  all  classes,  a 
free  press  for  the  discussion  of  all  questions. 
These,  all  these,  are  w^eapons  of  Protestantism, 
weapons  iinknoicn  to  Popery !  Yes,  all  un- 
knov%ai  to  genuine  Popery !  liCt  no  one  be 
deceived  by  the  Popish  apings  of  Protestant 
institutions.  The  Popish  seminary  has  little 
in  common  with  the  Protestant  seminary  but 
the  name.  It  is  but  the  sheep's  skin  that  covers 
the  wolfs  back ;  the  teeth  and  the  claws  are 
not  even  well  concealed  beneath.  With  the 
weapons  we  have  named,  and  with  our  edu* 


UNITE  IN  PROMOTING  EDUCATION.  123 

cation   societies,   theological    seminaries,   and 
missionary  societies,  we  need  no  new  organi- 
sation, no  Anti-Popery  nnion.     Bat  we  must 
use  our  arms,  and  not  rest  satisfied  with    he 
possession  of  them.     They  must  be  furbished 
anew,  and  we  must  prepare  ourselves  for  a  vigor- 
ous  warfare.     We  must  be  stirring,  if  we  mean 
indeed  to  be  victorions.     Not  a  moment  is  to 
be  lost.     The  enemy  knows  well  the  import- 
ance of  the  present' instant.      Hear  what  he 
savs       "  We  must  make  haste,  the  moments 
are  precious.  If  the  Protestant  sects  are 

BEFOREHAND    WITH    US,    IT    WILL    BE    DIFFI- 
CULT TO  DESTROY  THEIR  INFLUENCE.      Ullg  it 

not  this  acknowledgment  of  the  enemy  to  quick- 
en and  encourage  to  instant  effort  ?  And  again 
writes  a  Catholic  Missionary,  "  Zeal  for  error  is 
always  hot.  particularly  among  the  Methodists, 
/  whom  nothing  can  turn  from  their  track  and 
who  heap  absurdity  upon  absurdity  1  should 
desimir  if  I  should  .see  this  sect  huildmg  a 
church  in  my  neighborhood P  Wih  not  our 
Methodist  brethren  take  this  hint  I 

CHAPTER  XII.        f- 

The  political  duty  of  American  citizens  at  this  crisis. 

In  my  last  number  I  deemed  it  a  duty  to 
warn  the  Christian  community  against  the 
,  temptation  to  which  they  were  exposed,  m 
miardino-  against  the  political  dangers  arismg 
from  Popery,  of  leaving  their  proper  sphere  of 
action,  and  "degrading  themselves  to  a  common 
political  interest.  This  is  a  snare  nito  which 
they   mi'->-ht   easily  fall,   and    into   which,   if 


134  THE  DUTV  OF  AMERICANS 

Popery^  could  invite  or  force  tlievn,  it  mioht 
keep  a  jubilee,  for  its  triuniph  would  be  sure. 
The  propensity  to  resist  by  nn!a\vl"nl  means  the 
encroachment  of  an  enemy,  becanse  that  enemy 
uses  snch  means  ao;ainst  us,  belonofs  to  human 
natnre.  We  are  very  apt  to  think,  in  the  irri- 
tation of  being  attacked,  that  we  may  lawfnlly 
hmi  back  the  darts  of  a  foe,  whatever  may  he 
their  character;  that  we  may  "fiolit  the  devil 
with  fire,*'  instead  of  the  milder,  yet  more  eifec- 
tive  vva-apon  of  "the  Lord  rebuke  thee."  '^l^he 
same  spirit  of  Christianity  which  forbids  us  to 
return  railinsf  for  railing,  and  persecution  for 
persecution,  forbids  the  nse  of  nnlawfnl  or  even 
of  doubtful  means  of  defence,  merely  because 
an  enemy  uses  them  to  attack  us.  If  Popery 
(as  is  unblushinoly  the  case)  organizes  itself  at 
onr  elections,  if  it  interferes  politically,  and  sells 
itself  to  this  or  that  political  demagogue  or 
party,  it  should  be  remembered  that  this  is  noto- 
rionsly  the  true  character  of  Popery.  It  is  its 
nature.  It  cannot  act  otherwise.  Intrio-ne  is 
its  appropriate  business.  Byt  all  this  is  foreign 
to  Christianity.  Christianity  must  not  enter 
the  political  arena  with  Popery,  nor  be  mailed 
in  Popish  armor.  The  weapons  and  strat- 
agems of  Popery  suit  not  with  the  sinjplicity 
and  frankness  of  Christianity.  Like  David 
with  the  armor  of  Saul,  it  would  sink  beneath 
the  ill-iitting  covering,  before  the  Philistine. 
Yes  !  Popery  will  be  an  overmatch  for  any 
Christian  who  fights  behind  any  other  shield 
than  that  of  Faith,  or  uses  any  other  sword 
than  the  sword  of  tlie  Spirit  of  Truth. 


TO  OPPOSE  POPERY  POLITICALLY.  125 

But  whilst  deprecating  a  union  of  religious 
sects,  to  act  politically  against  Popery,  I  must 
not  be  misunderstood  as  recommending  no 
political  opposition  to  Popery  by  the  American 
community.  I  have  endeavored  to  rouse  Pro- 
testants to  a  renewed  and  more  vigorous  use 
of  their  religious  weapons  in  their  moral  war 
with  Popery,butIamnotunmindfal  of  another 
duty,  the  political  duty,  which  the  double 
character  of  Popery  makes  it  necessary  to  urge 
upon  American  citizens  with  equal  force — the 
imperious  duty  of  defending  the  distinctive 
principles  of  our  civil  government.  It  must 
be  sufficiently  manifest  to  every  republican 
citizen  that  the  civil  polity  of  Popery  is  in  di- 
rect opposition  to  all  which  he  deems  sacred  in 
government.  He  must  perceive  that  Popery 
cannot,  from  its  very  nature,  tolerate  any  of 
those  civil  rights  which  are  the  peculiar  boast 
cf  Americans.  Should  Popery  increase  but  for 
a  little  time  longer  in  this  country,  with  the 
alarming  rapidity  with  which,  as  authentic 
statistics  testify,  it  is  advancing  at  the  present 
time,  (and  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  despot- 
ism in  Europe,  in  its  desperate  struggles  for 
existence,  is  lending  its  powerful  aid  to  the  en- 
terprise,) we  may  even  in  this  generation  learn, 
by  sad  experience,  what  common  sagacity  and 
ordinary  research  mig'ht  now  teach  in  time  to 
arrest  the  evil,  that  Popery  cannot  tolerate  our 
form  of  government  in  any  of  its  essential  prui- 
ciples. 

Popery  does  not  acknowledge  the  right  of 
the  people  to  govern ;  but  claims  for  itself  the 
IV 


126  LlBEnXY  OF  CONSCIENCE. 

snpreaie  risfht  to  gov'eni  all   people,  and   all 
-iilers.  by  divine  ]-io;ht. 

li  does  not  tolerate  the  Liberty  of  the  Press ; 
it  takes  advantage  indeed  of  our  liberty  of  the 
])ress  to  use  its  own  press  against  our  liberty, 
but  it  proclaims  in  the  thunders  of  the  Vatican, 
a'ld  with  a  voice  which  it  pronounces  bifalli- 
blf  and  utfchangeable,  that  it  is  a  liberty  "  never 
siificieii.flij  to  be  execrated  and  detested^ 

It  does  not  tolerate  liberty  of  conscience  nor 
liberty  of  opinion,.  The  one  is  denounced  by 
the  Sovereiuii  Pontiff  as  ''c/  most  pestilen'ilal 
error ^'^  and  the  other,  "  a  pest  of  all  others  ?nost 
to  be  dreaded  in.  a  stated 

It  is  not  responsible  to  the  people  in  its  finan- 
cial matters.  It  taxes  at  n^ill,  and  is  account- 
able to  none  Imt  itself. 

Now  these  are  political  tenets  held  by 
Papists  in  close  union  with  their  religious  be- 
lief, \('t  these  are  not  reH^''ions,  bui  civil  tenets  ; 
they  belong  to  despotic  government.  Con- 
science cannot  be  pleaded  ai^ainst  our  dealing 
pohticallv  with  them.  They  are  separable 
.from  rtiligious  belief;  and  if  Papists  will  separate 
them,  and  repudiate  these  noxious  principles, 
and  teach  and  act  accordingly,  the  political 
duty  of  exposing  and  opposing  Papists,  on  the 
ground  of  tlie  enmity  of  their  political  tenets  to 
our  republican  government,  will  cease.  But 
can  they  do  it?  If  they  can,  it  behooves  them 
lo  do  it  without  delay.  If  they  cannot,  or  will 
not,  let  them  not  complain  of  rcli^-ious  persecu- 
tion, or  of  re//f>-/o//.<?  intolerance,  if  this  republican 
neople,  when  it  shall  awake  to  a  sense  of  the 


THE  INFANT  HERCULES  AWaKE.  127 

danofer  that  threatens  its  blood-bouofht  /nstitu- 
tions,  shall  rally  to  their  defence  with  some  show 
of  indignation.  Let  them  not  whine  about 
religious  oppression,  if  the  democracy  turns  its 
searching  eye  upon  this  secret  treason  to  the 
state,  and  shall  in  future  scrutinize  with  some- 
thing of  suspicion  the  professions  of  those /or- 
eign  friends^  who  are  so  ready  to  rush  to  a  fra- 
ternal embrace.  Let  them  not  raise  the  cry  of 
religious  proscription,  if  American  republicans 
shall  stamp  an  indelible  brand  upon  the  liveried 
slaves  of  a  foreign  despot,  the  servile  adorers 
of  their  good  ^^  Emperor  "  the  Austrian  con- 
spirators, who  now,  sheltered  behind  the  shield 
of  our  religious  liberty,  dream  of  security,  while 
sapping  the  foundations  of  our  civil  govern- 
ment. Let  no  tbreio;n  Holy  Alliance  presume, 
or  congratulate  itself,  upon  the  hitherto  unsus- 
picious and  generous  toleration  of  its  secret 
agents  in  this  country.  America  may  for  a  time 
sleep  soundly,  as  innocence  is  wont  to  sleep, 
unsuspicious  of  hostile  attack ;  but  if  any  for- 
eign power,  jealous  of  the  increasing  strength 
of  the  embryo  giant,  sends  its  serpents  to  lurk 
v.Mthin  his  cradle,  let  such  presumption  be  as- 
sured that  the  waking  enersfies  of  the  infant  are 
not  to  be  despised  ;  that  once  having  grasped  his 
foes,  he  will  neither  be  tempted  from  his  hold 
by  admiration  of  tlieir  painted  and  gilded  cover- 
ing, nor  by  fear  of  the  fatal  embrace  of  their 
treacherous  folds. 


APPENDIX. 


Note  A  . — P  a  g  e   3  4 . 
The  War  of  Opinions. 

Every  account  from  Europe  attests  the  cor- 
rectness of  the  views  here  taken  more  than  a 
year  since,  of  the  poUtical  state  of  the  civihzed 
world.  This  war  of  opinions,  or  of  categories^ 
as  Lafayette  termed  it,  is  in  truth  commenced, 
and  Americans,  if  they  will  but  use  common 
observation,  cannot  but  feel  that  a  neglect  to  no- 
tice and  provide  ao-ainst  the  consequences  of 
that  settled,  systematic  hostility  to  free  institu- 
tions so  strongly  manifested  by  foreign  powers, 
and  which  is  daily  assuming  a  more  serious  as- 
pect, will  inevitably  result  in  mischief  to  the 
country,  will  surely  be  attended  with  anarchy, 
if  they  wake  not  to  the  apprehension  of  the  re- 
ality of  this  danger.  Americans,  you  indeed 
sleep  upon  a  mine.  This  is  scarcely  a  figure 
of  speech.  You  have  excitable  materials  in 
the  bosom  of  your  society,  which,  skilfully  put 
in  action  by  artful  demagogues,  will  subvert 
your  present  social  system.  You  have  a  for- 
eigii  interest  too,  daily,  hourly  increasing,  ready 
to  take  advantage  of  every  excitement,  and 
which  will  shortly  be  beyond  your  control,  or 
will  be  subdued  only  by  blood.  You  have 
agents  among  you,  men  in  the  pay  of  those  ve- 
ry foreign  powers,  whose  every  measure  of  for- 
eign and  domestic  policy  has  now  for  its  end 
and  aim  the  destruction  of  liberty  ever 


APPENDIX.  129 

To  increase  your  peril,  you  have  a  press  that 
will  not  apprize  you  of  thedan^-ers  that  threat- 
en yoLi ;  we  can  reach  you  with  our  warnintrs 
only  throu2:h  the  religious  journals ;  the  daily 
press  is  blind,  or  asleep,  or  bribed,  or  afraid  ;  at 
any  rate,  it  is  silent  on  this  subject,  and  thus  is 
throwing  the  weis^ht  of  its  influence  on  the  side 
of  your  enemies.  Foreign  spies  have  clothed 
themselves  in  a  reli2:ious  dress,  and  so  awe- 
struck are  our  journalists  at  its  sacred  texture, 
or  so  unable  or  lunvilhno-  to  discern  the  ditfer- 
ence  between  the  man  and  his  mask,  that  they 
vStart  away  in  fear,  lest  they  should  be  called 
biofoted,  or  intolerant,  or  persecutinsf,  if  they 
should  venture  to  lift  up  the  consecrated  cloak 
that  hides  a  foreisTQ  foe.  Americans,  if  you  de- 
pend on  your  daily  press,  you  rely  on  a  broken 
reed  ;  it  fails  you  in  your  need.  It  dare  not, 
no.  it  dare  not  attack  Poperv.  It  dare  not  dra^f 
into  the  lio;ht  the  pnUfJcal  enemies  of  your  lib- 
erty, because  they  come  in  the  name  oii^eligion. 
All  despotic  Europe  is  awake  and  active  in 
plotting  your  downfall,  and  yet  they  let  you 
sleep,  and  you  choose  not  to  be  awaked  :  ••  a 
httle  more  sleep,  a  little  more  slumber,  a  little 
more  foldinof  of  the  hands  to  sleep."'  And  now, 
like  a  man  whose  house  is  on  fire,  dreamiuifof 
couifort  and  security,  you  will  perhaps  repel 
with  passion  and  reproach  the  friendly  hand 
tliat  would  wake  you  in  season,  to  escape  with 
your  life. 

Do  you  doubt  whether  Euro))e  is  in  hostile 
array  a^fainst  liberty?  Read  of  the  movements 
and  revolutions  of  forei'j:n  cabinets,  as  one  or  the 


130  APPENDIX. 

Other  principle  temporarily  predominates.  Read 
the  views  of  the  statesmen  of  Europe.  A  dis- 
tinofiiished  member  of  the  Spanish  Cortes,  Don 
Telesforo  de  Trueba,  in  a  speech  delivered  be- 
fore that  body  a  few  months  since,  says,  "  The 
present  war  is  not  a  war  of  succession,  but  of 
principle — liberty  and  despotism  are  at  issue. 
England,  France,  Belgium,  Spain,  and  Portus^al 
have  ranged  themselves  under  the  banner  of  the 
former,  but  it  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  name 
those  powers  who  follow  the  standard  of  the 
latter."  Of  Don  Carlos  and  his  government  he 
says,  "  Ignorance,  hypocrisy,  and  fanaticism  are 
his  only  counsellors,  whispering  to  him  new 
modes  of  oppressing  his  people.  Every  thing 
around  is  stamped  witli  the  marks  of  baseness 
and  falsehood,  while  in  this  infernal  region 
desolation  and  death  reign  triumphant.  A  san- 
guinary priesthood  is  sacrificing  human  vic- 
tims to  the  God  of  peace  and  love — men  who 
wish  to  brino^  back  the  dark  aores,  the  a2:e  of 
tyranny,  and  ignorance,  and  death." 

The  foreicrn  correspondent  of  the  Evening 
Post,  in  a  letter  from  Florence,  Italy,  published 
in  that  journal,  Dec.  27,  1834,  has  the  follow- 
ing information  directly  from  Tuscany. 

"Hitherto"  (in  the  administration  of  the  gov- 
ernment) "a  disposition  has  been  shown  to  let 
off  political  offenders  as  lightly  as  possible  ;  but 
lately,  however,  something  of  the  same  jealousf/ 
of  republicanism  has  shoion  itself  which  has 
been  manifested  by  the  other  absolute  govern- 
ments of  Europe.  A  quarterly  journal  was  sup- 
pressed a  few  months  since  on  account  of  some- 


APPENDIX.  131 

thing  lohidi  gave  offence  to  Aff stria.  This, 
and  several  other  acts  of  the  Grand  Duke,  have 
greatly  diminished  his  personal  popularity. — 
The  rulers  of  Italy  appear  to  hare  come  to  an 
understandings  that  it  is  time  to  make  an  ex- 
ample of  some  of  the  disaffected." 

Now  this  Austria  is  the  same  busy,  meddling 
government  that  is  operating"  in  this  country; 
we  scarcely  read  the  name  of  Austria  in  a  for- 
eign jonrnal,  or  in  letters  from  abroad,  but  in 
connexion  with  some  plan  for  extinguishing 
liberty  ;  and  yet  we  harbor  her  emissaries, 
promote  their  secret  desio;ns.  contribute  our 
money  to  swell  their  coffers,  build  for  them 
their  seminaries  and  convents,  intrust  our 
children  to  their  instruction,  court  their  favor, 
shield  them  from  all  attack,  yes,  even  put  our- 
selves under  their  protection  :  all,  all  this  we  do, 
and  our  native  blood  flows  evenly  in  our  veins. 
Spirit  of '76  !   where  dost  thou  sleep? 


Note   B.— Page  5  0. 
Opposite  tendencies  of  Popery  and  Protestantism. 

•  On  the  very  threshold  of  the  examination 
upon  which  I  have  here  entered,  and  while 
searchinof  amoncf  the  records  of  the  two  sects 
for  the  political  tendencies  of  the  principles  of 
Popery  and  Protestantism,  I  was  struck  with 
the  marked  difference  in  extent  which  the  two 
fields  of  inquiry  legitimately  offered  for  examin- 
ation. The  prime  dogma  of  the  Catholics,  that 
all  which  their  church  teaches  is  infallible,  un- 
changeable ;  that  what  she  has  once  taught  as 


132  APPENDIX. 

truth,  must,  now  and  forever  be  truth,  lays 
opeu  to  our  examination  a  wide  field.  All  and 
each  of  these  precepts,  laws,  and  acts  of  Pope- 
ry, from  the  earliest  ages  to  the  present  day, 
may  be  les'itimately  quoted  to  show  the  politi- 
cal character  of  that  sect.  Innovation,  repeal, 
reform,  or  progress  can  find  no  admittance  into 
the  Papal  system,  without  destroying  the  funda- 
mental principle  on  which  the  whole  system 
rests.  "  The  whole  of  our  faith,"  says  Cardi- 
nal Pallavicini,  «//,  hifaHiblc  aiitJinrUi/^  '-rests 
tipon  one  indivisible  article,  naiiK^ly,  theinlalH- 
ble  autiioritvofthe  church.  The  mument.  A  here- 
fore,  fJnif.  ire  ^ire  ti/)  am/  part  whatever,  the 
whole  falls  ;  for  v/hat  admits  not  of  being 
divided,  naist  evidently  stand  entire,  or  fall 
entire.'''' 

Protestantism,  on  the  contrary,  is  founded  on 
the  ]5il)le  ;  the  Bible  is  the  rallying  point  of  all 
Protestant  religions  sects.  They  all  believe 
that  God  is  its  author.  The  religious  ffiith  ot 
each  is  bound  to  this  one  volume.  But  as  the 
Bible  prescribes  no/orw  of  faith,  or  doctrine, 
or  of  chnrch  government,  in  whicli  all,  in  the 
exercise  of  the  natnral  and  reveaUid  right  of 
private  judgment,  can  a2:ree,  each  sect  adopts 
that  form  most  in  accordance  with  what  it  be- 
lieves to  be  the  spirit  of  the  doctrines  which  the 
Bible  teaches.  Hence  there  is  diversity  of  views, 
according  to  the  diversities  of  the  human  con- 
stitution, accordins:  to  the  varying  degrees  of 
intellectual  cultivation,  or  to  the  peculiar  wants 
and  condition  incident  to  the  infinite  variety  of 
circumstances  in  which  human  society  exists. 


iPPENDIX.  133 

Upon  this  freedom  to  choose  accordinof  to  the 
dictates  of  reason  and  conscience,  granted  to 
man  by  his  Maker,  denied  b}^  Roman  Cathohcs 
and  claimed  by  Protestants,  is  built  the  fabric 
of  religions  liberty.  Difference  of  opinion  be- 
ing allowed,  controversy  of  course  ensues,  and 
converts  are  made,  not  by  force  of  arms,  but  by 
force  of  truth,  supported  by  appeals  to  reason 
and  conscience.  Zealous  according"  to  the 
streng^th  of  his  belief  in  the  dogmas  of  his  sect, 
the  Protestant  calls  to  his  aid  the  treasures  of 
science.  He  believes  that  the  divine  Author  of 
truth  in  the  Bible  is  also  the  author  of  truth  in 
nature.  He  knows  that  as  truth  is  one,  He  that 
created  all  that  forms  the  vast  field  of  scientific 
research  cannot  contradict  truth  in  Scripture  by 
truth  in  nature;  the  Protestant  is  therefore  the 
consistent  encourager  of  all  learning,  of  all  in- 
vestigation. Every  discovery  in  science,  he 
feels,  brinsrs  to  relio-ious  truth  fresh  treasures. 
Free  inquiry  and  discussion,  all  intellectual  ac- 
tivity, legitimately  belongs  to  Protestantism.  It 
is  by  thus  opening  wide  the  doors  of  knowledge, 
and  letting  in  the  light  of  natural  science  upon 
what  it  beheves  to  be  the  revealed  truth  of  the 
Bible,  that  Protestantism  has  been  able  gradu- 
ally to  bring  out  the  principle  of  religions 
liberty^  and  in  its  train  the  invaluable  blessmg 
of  civil  liberty.  At  the  commencement  of  the 
reformation,  however,  we  are  not  to  look 
for  a  full  development  of  the  tree  principles  of 
Protestantism.  We  must  expect  to  find  many 
truths  (which,  to  us  who  live  in  the  noon  of 
freedom,  are  as  clear  as  the  sun)  tlien  obscured 
12 


134  APPEVPIX. 

or  entirely  invisible  in  the  Popish  darkness  of 
the  times.  The  slavish  prohibitions,  the  deep- 
rooted  heathen  rites,  and  the  arbitrary  dogmas 
of  Popery,  were  then  enforced  by  power,  by 
ignorance  and  corrnption  ;  so  that  the  struggle 
of  free  with  despotic  principles  was  attended, 
throngh  many  generations,  with  constant  vicis- 
situde. No  maxim  or  usage  of  Popish  intoler- 
ance that  for  a  long  time  clung  or  still  clings 
to  any  of  the  Protes'tant  systems  of  Europe,  can 
be  quoted  against  American  Protestantism; 
consequently  I  am  under  no  necessity  of  de- 
fending any  despotic  or  intolerant  practice 
which  may  be  charged  or  proved  upon  foreign 
or  ancient  Protestantism ;  while  every  act  or 
practice,  past  or  present,  of  Popish  enactment 
is  (Papists  themselves  being  judges)  available 
to  demonstrate  the  immutable  character  of 
Popery. 

N  0  T  E   C  . — P  AGE   61. 

The  foreign  Emissaries  of  Popery  rewarded  in  their  own 

country. 

This  is  a  matter  deserving  of  serious  atten- 
tion. Where  is  nov\r  Bishop  Cheverus,  who 
passed  about  fourteen  years  in  Boston?  He 
was  a  foreigner,  with  no  ties  to  this  country ; 
paid  for  his  services  by  a  foreign  government, 
he  had  a  duty  to  his  foreign  masters  to  perform. 
What  that  duty  was,  may  now  easily  be  con- 
\  jectured.  Boston,  as  the  capital  of  New-Eng- 
land, was  considered,  at  the  time  he  arrived, 
the  stronghold  of  Protestant,  of  anti-Popish 
principles.     Popery  was  there,  and  throughout 


APPENDIX.  135 

New-En 2^1  and,  held  in  the  jxreatest  abhorrence; 
lor  to  Popery  may  be  traced,  thono-h  remotely, 
yet  clearly,  the  persecutions  which  drove  the 
Pilgrim-fathers  to  this  country.  The  history 
of  those  fathers,  for  ages  previous,  is  but  the 
history  of  hard-fought  battles  to  wrest  from 
Popish  usurpation  those  invaluable  rights,  civil 
and  religious,  which  they  fled  to  this  wilder- 
ness securely  to  enjoy.  Ere  Popery,  then, 
could  expect  to  gain  foothold  among  the  de- 
scendants of  the  persecuted  Puritans,  their 
almost  innate  abhorrence  to  Popery  must  be 
overcome.  What  plan  could  be  better  devised 
to  accomplish  the  end,  than  to  send  the  mild, 
conciliating,  gentle  Bishop  to  demonstrate,  by 
his  example  and  his  teachingj  that  Popery  was 
not  that  monster  their  fathers  had  tauoht  them 
to  believe  it  to  be,  or  at  least  that  now  the  ty- 
rant had  grown  mild  and  tolerant  ?  If  this 
were  the  desicrn,  no  plan  could  have  been  more 
successful.  Who  that  has  visited  Boston,  does 
not  know  the  epithets  with  which  Bishop 
Cheverus'  name  is  coupled?  ^Th&good  Bishopj 
the  liberal  Bishop^  the  excellent^  pions,  tole- 
rant, mild  Bishop.  Now  all  this  might  have 
been,  and  perhaps  is  true  of  the  Bishop.  The 
instrument  was  Vv''ell  chosen,  his  duty  was  well 
accomplished,  and  he  receives  the  reward  of  a 
faithful  servant  from  his  foreign  masters,  in  a 
translation  to  the  mealthy  archbishopric  of 
Boiirdeaux. 

Again,  where  is  Bishop  Dubourg,  of  New- 
Orleans?  He  has  resided  in  this  heathen  land 
his  stated  time,  and  having  accomplished  the 


136  APPENDIX. 

duty  prescribed  to  him,  is  translated  to  the 
Bishopric  of  Montaiiban,  in  France. 

And  again,  where  is  Bishop  Kelly,  of  Rich- 
mond, Virginia?  He  also  sojourns  with  ns  until 
his  duties  to  foreign  masters  are  performed,  and 
then  is  rewarded  by  promotion  at  home  to  the 
Bishopric  of  Waterford  and  Lismore. 

And  where  soon  will  be  that  busy,  pompous 
Jesuit,  who  has  been  so  often  announced  as 
passing  and  repassing  between  Rome,  Vienna, 
and  the  United  States,  Bishop  England  ?  If  re- 
port speaks  truth,  he  is  soon  to  be  rewarded  for 
his  services  in  the  cause  of  his  foreign  masters, 
with  a  CardinaVs  hat.  The  following,  from 
the  Dublin  Freeman's  Journal,  preceded  by  a 
nauseous  mass  of  fulsome  compliment,  gives 
substance  to  the  report: — "After  escorting  these 
ladies  (some  nuns)  to  Charleston,  Dr.  England 
proceeds,  without  delay,  as  Legate  from  the 
Pope  to  Hayti,  over  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  oi 
which  republic  he  carries  with  him  from  the 
Holy  See  the  most  full  and  unlimited  powers  ; 
from  which  we  confidently  trust,  ere  long,  he 
will  again  return  to  Europe  to  receive^  as  some 
reirardfor  all  his  labors  and  services,  a  Cardi- 
naVs hat]  for,  instead  of  receiving  dignity  fro?n. 
should  such  an  appointment  take  place.  Dr. 
England  will  confer  dignity  i(.po?i  the  sacred 
purple." 

Now,  in  view  of  these  instances  of  services 
in  this  country,  rewarded  by  appointments  in 
Europe,  the  question  naturally  occurs  :  What 
intei'est  have  these  servants  of  a  foreign  despot- 
ism in  the  free  institutions  of  this  country? 


APPENDIX.  137 

• 

What  sympathies  with  American  hberty  can 
foreigners  have,  educated,  as  they  have  been 
in  their  own  country,  in  the  principles  of  des- 
potic institutions,  hving  but  temporarily  in  this 
country,  (whose  entire  political  system  is  di- 
ametrically opposed  to  their  whole  education,) 
and  looking  forward,  after  their  task  is  per- 
formed, to  a  recall  to  comfortable  benefices 
and  high  places  of  profit  and  honor,  to  rewards 
devised  by  Austria  and  the  Pope,  and  meted 
out  to  their  faithful  advocates  according  to  the 
zeal  and  devotion  manifested  to  their  interests'/ 
What  would  be  said  of  the  Episcopalian,  or 
Presbyterian,  or  Methodist,  or  Baptist  clergy, 
were  they  announced  as  foreigners  sent  from 
England,  who,  after  a  short  sojourn  of  active 
service  in  this  country,  were  knovvai  to  be  re- 
called and  promoted  in  their  own  country  to 
be  Bishops  and  dignified  officers  under  the 
British  government? 


Note   D.— Page    65. 
Sanguinary  spirit  still  existing  in  modern  Popery. 

If  any  suppose  that  Popery  has  changed  its 
intolerant  character  in  modern  times,  we  refer 
them  to  the  foUowinaf  specimen  of  its  spirit.  It 
is  Popery  of  the  present  day — Popery  of  1833. 

In  the  recent  journals  of  Modena,  in  Italy, 
are  articles  signed  by  the  Duke  of  Canosa,  the  | 
language  of  which  knows  no  bounds.  He 
justifies  ttie  St.  Bartholomew's  Massacre.  He 
says,  "when  a  disease  has  made  such  progress 
that  it  cannot  be  cured  by  magnesia  and  calo* 
12* 


138  APPENDIX. 

liiel,  to  save  life,  recourse  must  be  had  to  arse- 
nic. If  Charles  IX.  had  recoiled  from  the 
massacre  of  the  Huguenots,  he  would  certainly 
have  perished  a  few  weeks  after  upon  the 
scaffold,  as  happened  to  the  indulgent  and 
compassionate  Louis  XVI.,  because  he  took  an 
opposite  course.  He  who  in  such  a  case  has 
not  the  courage  of  a  lion,  and  does  not  resolve 
on  rigorous  measures,  is  lost.  The  pusillani- 
mous alone  are  ignorant  of  this  truth."  Such 
shocking  sentiments,  be  it  remembered,  are 
published  in  a  country  where  there  is  a  censor- 
ship of  the  press :  and  they  are  therefore  the 
lano:uao:e  of  the  o-overnment. 
*  The  Duke  reasons  like  a  true  les^itimate. 
The  happiness  and  lives  of  the  people,  to  any 
amount,  are  mere  chaff,  compared  with  the 
happiness  and  life  of  that  sainted  bauble,  called 
a  kina:.  His  reasoninsr  amounts  to  this :  "  better 
that  thousands  of  the  common  people  should 
perish  by  the  bloodiest  butchery,  than  that  the 
single  life  of  one  human  being  endowed  with 
divine  right  to  reigii,  should,  like  Louis  XVI. 
perish  on  the  scaffold."  It  is  not  necessary  to 
uphold  the  shedding  of  royal  blood,  but  there 
is  a  trick  of  kingcraft  which  ought  to  be  exposedj 
because  its  influence  is  not  unfelt  in  this  coun- 
try. The  divine  right  to  reign  is  first  assumed, 
then  the  human  being  thus  invested  with  power 
partakes  of  diviniti/,  he  becomes  sacred,  and 
all  the  names  and  paraphernalia  of  idolatrous 
worship  surround  him.  He  becomes  a  God; 
every  word  he  utters,  every  step  he  takes,  every 
action,  however  unimportant  in  any  other  hu- 


APPENDIX.  13J) 

man  beinn:,  is  invested  in  this  earthly  divinity 
with  a  sacred  character.  Does  tlie  god-king 
ride  out,  the  whole  country  must  know  the  im- 
portant event ;  is  he  married,  the  whole  nation 
keeps  jubilee  ;  is. he  dead,  the  world  is  clad  in 
mournino:.  The  misfortunes  of  his  offspring 
are  magnified  and  consecrated  by  all  the  arts  of 
the  imagination,  by  all  the  embellishments  of 
romance.  Is  an  illustration  wanted  ?  Take  a 
recent  case.  Look  at  the  history  of  the  Dutch- 
ess de  Berri,  an  infamous  woman,  notoriously 
profligate,  of  a  character  that  in  common  life 
would  condemn  her  to  the  neglect  of  the  world, 
and  cast  h*er  out  of  all  society.  But  she  is  a 
princess,  she  has  a  spark  of  royal  divinity  that 
shines  upon  her  brazen  front,  and  the  duped 
multitude  bow  in  adoration  before  her.  Her 
sufferings,  her  wanderings,  her  dress  in  the 
minutest  particulars,  her  words,  lier  looks,  are 
the  subject  of  sympathetic  appeals  to  the  com- 
passion of  the  world;  ladies  shed  tears  over  the 
distresses  of  the  unfortunate  princess.  Alas! 
alas  !  that  royal  blood  §hould  suffer  !  And  are 
we  not  influenced  by  this  mawkish,  morbid 
sympathy  for  suffering  despots?  Where  are 
our  sympathies,  when  the  interested  statements 
of  a  government-controlled  foreign  press  in- 
forms us  of  the  struggles  of  the  people  against 
age-consecrated  oppression?  Are  they  with  the 
people  7  Do  we  ever  suspect  the  truth  of  the 
glovvinor  details  of  the  doings  of  the  scandalous 
mob,  the  hio-h-wrous^ht  accounts  of  outrage  and 
rebellion  of  a  icicked  rabble  against  lairful 
authority^  which  circulate  through  our  land 


140  APPENDIX. 

the  production  abroad  of  pensioned  writers,  of 
a  licensed  press,  and  those,  too,  without  remark 
or  explanation  from  our  press  ?  What  should 
be  the  feelings  of  a  true  American  ?  Where 
should  be  his  sympathies,  who  has  been  nurtur- 
ed in  the  air  of  liberty;  who  has  learned  from 
his  father's  lips  the  black  catalogue  of  despotic 
wrongs  whicli  his  ancestors  suffered,  and  which 
were  defended  by  all  the  tricks,  and  glosses, 
and  arts  of  oppression?  If  any  human  being 
should  feel  quick  sympathy  with  the  struggles 
of  the  j}coj)le,  should  examine  with  the  great- 
est care  the  charges  preferred  against  them,  and 
exercise  a  willing  charity  for  their  apparent  or 
real  excesses,  and  quick  mistrust  of  all  the  do- 
ings, representations,  and  fair  speeches  of  des- 
potis?n,  it  is  an  American. 


Note  E.— Page  62.      ' 

Popery  is  organized  thrmighout  the  World. 
This  organization  is  asserted  in  the  late  pro- 
clamation of  the  Pope  to  the  Portuguese.  In 
the  catalogue  of  his  complaints  he  says  :  "Ne- 
vertheless, that  which  principally  afflicts  us  is, 
that  tliose  acts  and  measures  have  evidently 
for  tlieir  aim  to  break  every  bond  of  union  witifi 
that  venerable  chair  of  the  blessed  Peter"  (his 
own  throne)  "  which  Jesus  Christ  has  made 
the  centre  of  unity;  and  thus  the  society  of 
communion  beins;  once  l)roken,  to  wound  the 
cruirch  by  tlie  most  pernicious  schism.  In  fact, 
how  can  there  be  unity  in  the  body,  Avhen  the 
memb^ers  are  not  united  to  the  head,  and  do 
not  obey  it  'V^ 


APPENDIX. 


141 


N  O  T  E   F  . — P  A  G  E    6  5  . 

Emigration  and  our  Naturalization  Law. 
The  subject  of  efnigration  is  one  of  those 
which  demands  the  immediate  attention  of  the 
nation,  it  is  a  question  which  concerns  all  par- 
ties :  and  if  the  writer  is  not  mistaken  in  his 
reading  of  the  signs  of  the  times,  the  country  is 
waking  to  asenseof  the  alarming  evil  produced 
by  our  fiatui'alizationlsiws.  Let  us  war  among 
ourselves  in  party  warfare,  with  every  lawful 
weapon  that  we  can  convert  to  our  purpose.  It 
is  our  birthright  to  have  our  own  opinion,  and 
earnestly  to  contend  for  it ;  but  let  us  court  no 
foreign  friends.  Every  American  should  feel 
his  national  blood  mount  at  the  very  thought  of 
foreign  interference.  While  we  welcome  the 
inteiri2:ent  and  persecuted  of  all  nations,  and 
give  them  an  asylum  and  a  share  in  our  privi- 
leges, let  us  beware  lest  we  admit  to  dangerous 
fellowship  those  who  cannot  and  will  not  use 
our  hospitality  aright.  That  such  may  come, 
and  do  come,  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt.  Con- 
sider the  following  testimony  of  an  emigrant, 
given  before  a  justice  in  Albany.  He  says  that- 
"  in  June  last  the  parish  officers  paid  the  pas- 
sages of  himself,  and  about  forty  others  of  the 
scune  parish^  from  Chatham  to  the  city  ot  Bos- 
ton, in  America,  on  board  the  ship  Royalist, 
Captain  Parker,  and  that  they  landed  in  Bos- 
ton in  the  month  of  July  last — that  the  parish 
officers  gave  him  thirty  shillings  sterling,  in 
money,  in  addition  to  paying  his  passao-e — that 
he  is  now  entirely  destitute  of  the  means  of  liv- 
ing, and  is  unable  to  labor,  and  prays  for  relief." 


V 


143  APPENDIX. 

Now  here  are  forty  paupers  cast  upon  our 
shores  from  one  parish  in  England,  and  m  Jive 
years  they  become  citizens,  entitled  to  vote !  ! 
Is  there  an  American,  of  any  party,  who  can 
beheve  that  there  is  no  dansfer  in  admittino:  to 
equal  privileges  with  himself  such  a  class  of 
foreio^ners  ?  A  remedy  to  this  crying  evil  ad- 
mits of  not  a  moment's  delay.  At  this  moment 
the  ocean  swarms  with  ships  crowded  with  this 
wretched  population,  bearing  them  from  misery 
abroad  to  misery  here. 

The  expense  incurred  in  this  city  (New- 
York)  for  the  support  of  foreign  paupers,  it  is 
well  known,  is  enormous.  In  Philadelphia 
more  than  three-fourths  of  the  inmates  of  their 
Almshouse  are  foreigners.  Whole  families 
have  been  known  to  come  from  on  board  ship 
and  2:0  directly  to  the  Almshouse.  In  the  Bos- 
ton Dispensary  there  were  the  last  year,  (1834,) 
from  two  districts  only,  477  patients  ;  of  these 
441  v)ere  foreigners ! !  leaving  but  36  of  our 
own  population  to  be  provided  for.  In  the 
Boston  Almshouse  the  following-  returns  show 
the  increase  of  fon^ign  paupers  in  five  years  : 
The  year  ending  Sept.  30, 1829,  Americans  395 
'•  "  "         "    Foreigners  284 

The  year  endinsr  Sept.  30, 1834,  Americans  340 
u  u~  u         u    Foreicrners  613 

Thus  we  see  that  native  pauperism  has  de- 
creased in  five  years,  and  foreign  pauperism 
more  than  doubled. 

In  Cambridge  (Mass.)  more  than  four-fifths 
of  the  paupers  are  foreigners. 

The  first  and  immediate  step  that  should  be 


APPENDIX.  143 

taken,  is  to  press  upon  Cono^ress,  and  upon  the 
nation,   instant  attention  to  the  naturaliza- 
tion LAWS.     We  must  first  stop  this  leak  in  y 
the  ship,  through   which   the   muddy  waters  < 
from  without  threaten  to  sink  us.     If  we  mean 
to  keep  our  country,  this  Ufe-hoat  of  the  world,  ^ 
from  founderincr  with  all  the  crew,  we  will  take  ^ 
on  board  no  more  from  the  European  wreck  -^ 
until  we  have  safely  landed  and  sheltered  its 
present  freight.     But  w^ould  you  have  us  forfeit 
the  character  of  the  country  as  the  asylum  of 
the  world  ?  No;  but  it  is  a  mistaken  philanthro- 
py indeed  that  would  a.ttempt  to  save  one  at  the 
expense  of  the  lives  of  thousands  ;  that  would 
receive  into  our  famihes  those  dying  with  the 
plague.     Our  naturalization  laws  were  never  ^ 
intended  to  convert  this  land  into  the  almshouse  ^ 
of  Europe,  to  cover  the  alarming  importation  of'' 
every  thing  in  the  shape  of  man  that  European 
tyranny  thinks  fit  to  send  adrift  from  its  shores  ; 
nor  so  to  operate  as  to  surrender  back  all  the 
blessings  of  that  freedom  for  which  our  fatliers 
paid  so  dear  a  price,  into  the  keeping  of  our  en- 
emies.    No,  we  must  have  the  law  so  amended 

that  no  FOREIGNER  WHO  MAY  COME  INTO  THE^ 
COUNTRY.  AFTER  THE  PASSAGE  OF  THE  NEW  ^ 
LAW,  SHALL  EVER  BE  ALLOWED  TO  EXERCIPE  ^ 
THE  ELECTIVE  FRANCHISE.    Tllis  aloue  mCCtS 

the  evil  in  its  fullest  extent. 

Who  can  complain  of  injustice  in  the  enact- 
ment of  such  a  law.  Not  the  native  American^ 
he  is  not  touched  by  it.  Certainly  not  \S\q  for- 
eigner now  in  the  country^  whether  naturalized 
or  not ;  it  cannot  operate  against  him.  It  would 


^ 


144  APPENDIX. 

take  away  710  right  from  a  single  individual 
in  any  coantry.  This  law  would  withhold  a 
favor,  not  a  right  from  foreigners,  and  from 
those  foreigners  only  who  may  hereafter  come 
into  the  country.  If  foreigners  abroad  choose  to 
take  offence  at  the  law,  we  are  not  under  -)bli- 
gations  to  consult  their  wishes  ;  X\ieY  need  not 
come  here.  This  favor,  it  should  be  under- 
stood, has  repeatedly  been  abused,  and  it  is 
necessary,  for  the  safety  of  our  institutions,  in 
future  to  withhold  it.  The  pressing  dangers  to 
the  country  from  Popery,  which  I  think  I  have 
shown  not  to  be  fictitious  ;  other  visible  indica- 
tions of  foreign  influence  in  the  political  horizon; 
the  bold  orofanization  of  foreigners  as  foreigners, 
in  our  elections — these,  all  demand  the  instant 
attention  of  Americans,  if  they  mean  not  to  be 
robbed,  by  foreign  intrigue,  of  their  liberty,  and 
their  very  name. 


Note  G.— Page  73. 
One  College  at  the  West  under  Austrian  influence. 
The  following  fact  illnstrates  the  dangerous, 
successful  intriguing  spirit  of  the  Jesuits,  and 
the  culpable  nesrbgence  of  one  of  onr  state  legis- 
latures, (that  of  Kentucky,)  which  has  thus  suf- 
fered itself  to  be  the  dupe  of  Popish  artifice. — • 
St.  Joseph's  Colleo:e,  at  Bardstown,  Kentucky, 
was  incorporated  by  the  State  Legislature  in 
1 824.  The  Bishop  of  Bardstown  is  Moderator, 
und  five  Priests  are  Trustees.  And  there  is 
tliis  provision  in  the  charter:  '•  The  said  trus- 
tees shall  hold  their  station  in  said  college  one 
year  only,  at  which  time  the  said  Moderator 


APPENDIX.  145 

shall  have  the  power  of  electing  others,  or  the 
same,  if  he  should  think  proper,  and  increase 
the  numher  to  twelve  ;  and  this  power  may  be 
exercised  by  him  every  year  thereafter,  or  his 
successor  or  successors  to  the  Bishopric k  ;  and 
in  case  of  the  removal,  resignation,  or  death  of 
either  of  the  said  trustees,  his  place  may  be 
supplied  by  an  appointment  that  may  be  made 
by  the  said  Bishop,  or  his  successor  or  succes- 
sors, who  may  also  become  moderators  in  the 
institution,  and  act  and  do  as  the  said  B.  J. 
Flaget  is  impowered  by  this  act  to  do." 

The  Bishop  of  Bardstown,  in  a  letter  to  a 
friend  in  Europe,  dated  February,  1S25,  says : 
''  Our  legislature  has  just  incorporated  the  col- 
lege. The  Bishops  of  Bardstown  are  continued 
perpetually  its  moderators  or  rectors.  /  might 
have  dictated  conditions,  which  I  could  not 
have  made  more  advantageous  or  honorable ; 
and  what  is  still  more  flattering  is,  tliat  these 
privileges  were  granted  almost  without  any 
discussion,  and  with  unanimity  in  both  houses." 

Now  the  Pope,  it  is  well  known,  appoints  all 
Bishops.  Here  then  is  one  college  in  the  coun- 
try, already  placed  in  perpetuo  under  the  ex- 
clusive control  of  the  Pope,  and  consequently 
for  an  indefinite  period  under  that  of  Austria ! 


Note   H.— Page  76. 
Glory- Giving  Titles. 

One  of  the  plainest  doctrines  of  American 
Republicanism,  which  is  essentially  democratic, 
is,  that  mere  glory-giving  titles,  or  titles  of  ser- 
vility, are  entirely  opposed  to  its  whole  spirit. 
13 


146  APPENDIX. 

They  are  considered  as  one  of  those  artificial 
means  of  kingcraft,  by  which  it  fosters  that 
aristocratic,  unholy  pride  in  the  human  heart, 
which  loves  to  domineer  over  its  fellow-mari', 
which  loves  artificial  distinction  of  ranks,  a 
privileged  class,  and  of  course  which  helps  to 
sustain  that  whole  system  of  regal  and  papal 
usurpation  which  has  so  long  cursed  mankind. 
If  such  titles  are  to  some  extent  still  acknow- 
ledged in  this  country,  they  have  either  been 
thoughtlessly  but  unwisely  used  as  mere  epi- 
thets of  courtesy,  or  they  are  the  remains  of  old 
deep-rooted  foreign  habits,  which,  in  spite  of  the 
uncongenial  soil  to  which  they  have  been  trans- 
planted, still  maintain  a  sort  of  vv^ithered  exist- 
ence. It  now,  however,  becomes  a  serious  in- 
quiry whether  this  practice,  hitherto  seemingly 
unimportant,  may  not  be  attended  with  danger 
to  the  institutions  of  the  country.  For  Popery, 
it  appears,  is  already  taking  advantage  of  this, 
as  of  all  other  weaknesses  in  our  habits  and 
customs,  to  introduce  its  anti-democratic  sys- 
tem,  and  this,  too,  while  it  manifests  in  words 
great  zeal  in  defence  of  democratic  liberty.  Let 
the  democracy  look  well  to  this. 

Is  it  asked  to  what  extent  should  titles  or 
names  of  distinction  be  abolished  throughout 
the  land  ?  the  answer  is  plain.  Every  title  that 
merely  desio-nates  an  office,  is  perfectly  in  ac- 
cordance with  our  institutions ;  such  as  Presi 
dent.  Secretary,  Senator,  General,  Commodore, 
&c.  So  are  letters  after  a  name  which  desig- 
nate the  ofiice  or  membership  in  a  society;  but 
titles  of  reverence,  titles  which  imply  moral 


APPENDIX.  147 

qualities,  sucli  as  YourExcellencVj  Your  Hon- 
or, The  Reverend,  Rt.  Reverend,  Honorable, 
<fec.  and  letters  which  imply  moral  or  intellect- 

«)  superiority,  1  think  it  must  be  conceded  are 
\v  not  only  useless  but  dangerous.  Tljere 
needs  no  law  to  abolish  these  gewgaw  append- 
ages to  a  name  ;  they  must  be  left  to  tlie  good 
sense  of  the  individual  who  nses  them,  to  dis- 
contituie  them  ;  and  fortunately  they  generally 
belono;  to  intellectual  men,  who  have  nrindsca- 
pable  of  discerning  the  remote  evils  to  which 
the  practice  leads,  and  patriotism  enough  to 
make  a  greater  sacrifice  than  this  occasion 
calls  for,  to  avert  dangers  which  threaten  their 
country. 

Will  it  be  said  that  this  is  a  little  matter? 
Notlhng  is  of  little  consequence  that  may  en- 
danger, however  remotely,  the  civil  lilierty  of 
the  country.  Nay  more,  no  practice  is  unwor- 
thy of  reform,  which,  continued,  may  aid  by  its 
example  in  the  surrender  of  religious  liberty 
into  the  hands  of  Popery. 


Note  I.— Page  84. 
Compulsory  Baptism, 

Perhaps  Father  Baraga  was  thinking:  of  the 
facilities  afforded  in  Spain,  in  the  time  of  Xi- 
menes,  for  administering  baptism,  when  "  Fifty 
thousand  (50,000)  Moors,  under  terror  of  death 
and  torture,  received  the  grace  of  baptism,  and 
more  than  an  equal  number  of  the -refractory 
were  condemned,  of  whom  2,536  were  burnt 
alive."  May  our  government  long  be  ^^toofree^ 
for  the  enacting  of  such  barbarity. 


148  APPENDIX. 

Note  J.  AND   K.— Page  91— 92. 
Priests  control  the  Moh. 

If  no  farther  proof  were  wanting  of  the  f^i 
of  the  supreme  intinence  of  the  Cathohc  prid^ 
over  the  mob,  it  is  opportunely  furnished  in  the 
testimony  on  the  trial  of  the  rioters  at  Charles- 
town,  (Mass.)  Mr.  Edward  Cutter  testified  that 
the  Lady  Superior,  in  an  interview  previous  to 
the  burning  of  the  Convent,  thus  threatened 
him;  she  said,  "  the  Bishop  had  20,000  of  the 
vilest  (or  boldest)  Irishmen  under  his  control, 
who  would  tear  down  the  houses  of  Mr.  Cutter 
and  others  ;  and  that  the  selectmen  of  Charles- 
town  mio-ht  read  the  riot  act  till  they  were 
hoarse,  and  it  would  be  of  no  use." 

But  if  any  doubt  is  thrown  over  Mr.  Cutter's 
testimony  because  he  is  a  Protestant,  hear  what 
the  Lady  Superior  herself  testifies :  "  I  told 
him,"  she  says,  "  that  the  Right  Reverend  Bish- 
op's influence  over  ten  thousand  brave  Irishmen 
mis:ht  lead  to  the  destruction  of  his  property 
and  that  of  others." 

Here  we  have  the  startling  fact,  acknowledg- 
ed in  a  court  of  justice  by  the  Superior  of  the 
Convent,  that  the  Bishop  has  such  influence 
over  a  mob  of  foreigners,  that  he  can  use  them 
for  vengeance,  or  restrain  them  at  pleasure. — 
The  question  that  occurs  is,  how  much  strong- 
er is  it  necessary  for  this  foreign  corps  to  be- 
come liefore  it  may  prudently  act  offensively 
a^rainst  our  obnoxious  Protestant  institutions  'I 
The  fact  is  established,  by  Catholic  testimony, 
that  the  Popish  population  is  not  snumoi^g ant- 
zed  mob,  but  is  moved  by  priestly  leaders,  Je- 


APPENDIX. 


149 


suit  foreigners  in  the  pay  of  Austria.  They  are 
ready  to  keep  quiet,  or  to  strike,  as  circumstan- 
ces may  render  expedient.  But,  exckisive  of 
other  proof,  another  most  important  fact  is 
rendered  certain  by  this  singular  confession  of 
the  Lady  Superior,  and  that  is  Roman  Catho- 
lic interference  in  our  elections.  Jesuits  are 
not  in  the  habit  of  shghting  their  advantages, 
and  the  Bishop  wlio  can  control  ten  or  twenty 
thousand,  or  five  hundred  thousand  men,  as 
the  case  may  be,  for  the  purpose  of  destruction 
and  riot,  can  certainly  control  the  votes  of  these 
obedient  instruments  !  Will  not  American  free 
men  wake  to  the  apprehension  of  a  truth  like 
this  I 


Note  L  . — P  age  93. 
Political  interference  of  Popery. 
The  kind  of  interference  in  the  political  af- 
fairs of  other  countries  by  the  Sovereign  of 
Rome^  may  l)e  learned  from  the  following  ex- 
tracts from  the  Pope's  proclamation  ao-ainst  Don 
Pedro,  in  which  he  thus  speaks  of  Portugal. — 
He  laments  the  defection  of  "that  kingdom, 
cited,  until  now,  as  a  model  of  devotion  and 
fidelity  to  tlie  Catholic  faith,  to  the  Holy  See, 
and  to  the  Roman  Pontiffs,  our  predecessors  ;  a 
kingdom  which,  as  is  meet,  has  ah*eady  felt  it 
an  honor  to  obey  its  Sovereigns,  distincruished 
by  the  title  of  Most  faithful  Kings.  We  con- 
fess that  we  could  not  at  first  believe  what  re- 
port and  public  rumor  related  upon  enterprises 
so  audacious  ;  but  the  unexpected  return  to 
Italy  of  him  who  represented  us  in  the  said 

13* 


l50  APPENDIX. 

kino^dom  as  Apostolic  Nuncio,  and  the  most 
positive  testimony  of  many  persons,  soon  con- 
vinced us  that  wliat  had  been  previously  an- 
nounced to  us  was  but  too  true. 

"  It  is  then  as  certain,  as  it  is  s^reatly  to  be 
deplored,  that  the  above-mentioned  government 
has  unjustly  driven  away  him  who  represented 
our  person  and  the  Holy  See,  commanding  him 
to  quit  the  kingdom  without  delay.  But,  after 
so  gross  an  insult  offered  to  the  Holy  See,  and 
to  us,  the  audacity  of  these  perverse  men  has 
been  carried  still  further  against  the  Catholic 
Church,  as^ainst  ecclesiastical  property,  against 
the  inviolable  rights  of  the  Holy  See.  Consid- 
erino^  that  all  these  measures  have  been  exerci- 
sed almost  at  the  accession  of  a  new  Power, 
and  in  consequence  of  a  conspiracy  prepared 
beforehand,  our  mind  is  filled  with  horror,  and 
we  cannot  refrain  from  tears.  All  the  public 
prisons  have  been  opened,  and,  after  having  let 
those  who  were  detained  there  go  forth,  they 
have  thrown  into  them,  in  their  place,  some  of 
those  of  whom  it  is  written.  Touch  not  my 
Anointed.  Laymen  have  rashly  arrogated  to 
themselves  a  power  over  sacred  things ;  they 
have  proclaimed  a  general  reform  of  the  secular 
clergy,  and  of  religious  orders  of  both  sexes." 

After  enumeratino-  various  acts  of  rigor  of  the 
new  government  against  those  priests,  monks, 
and  other  ecclesiastics,  who  have  taken  an  ac- 
tiv^e  part  in  the  civil  war,  the  Pope  continues: 
"  For  this  reason,  venerable  brethren,  we  ex- 
pressly proclaim  that  we  absolutely  reprobate 
all  the  decrees  issued  by  the  aforesaid  govern/' 


APPENDIX.  151 

ment  of  Lisbon,  to  the  2:reat  detriment  of  the 
Church,  of  its  holy  ministers,  of  the  ecclesiastical 
law,  and  Holy  See  prerogatives ;  we,  therefore, 
declare  them  to  he  null  and  of  no  effect,  and 
exi)ress  our  most  serious  complaints  against 
the  audacious  measures  we  have  referred  to; 
we  declare,  that  in  exercising  the  duties  of  our 
office,  and  with  God's  help,  we  will  oppose  our- 
selves as  a  wall  for  the  House  of  Israel,  and 
show  ourselves  in  the  combat  at  the  day  of  the 
Lord,  as  the  inierests  of  religion  and  the 
gravity  of  circumstances  may  required 

He  hopes  this  low  rumbling  of  the  thunders  of 
the  Vatican  will  prevent  his  "having  recourse 
to  those  spiritual  arms  with  which  God  has  in- 
vested his  apostolic  ministry,"  namely,  anathe- 
mas, curses  of  excommunication,  (fee.  And 
these  are  not  the  records  of  doings  of  the  dark 
ages,  but  are  fresh  from  the  papal  throne,  the 
acts  of  1833. 


Note    M.— Page  93. 

If  any  suppose  that  Popery  meddles  not  with 

civil  matters  in  this  country,  let  them  peruse 

the  following  extract  of  a  letter  from  one  of 

their  missionaries: 

"Mr.  Baiaga  to  the  Central  Direction  of  the  Leopold 
Foundation,  dated  L'Arere  Croche,  October  10th,  18.32. 

"*  *  On  the  .5th  of  Auo^ust,  after  partaking 
the  sacrament  of  confirmation,  the  Bishop  call- 
ed all  the  chiefs  and  head  men  of  the  mission, 
and  made  known  to  them  some  civil  laws 
which  he  had  made  for  the  Oftowas.  The 
Indians  received  these  laws  with  much  plea- 


152  APPENDIX.  ' 

sure,  and  promised  solemnly  to  obey  them. 
The  'missuniary  and  four  chiefs  are  ilie  ad- 
ministrators of  these  laws. 

"  Frederick  Baraga,  Missionary." 
Here  is  a  specimen  of  the  disposition  of 
Popery  to  meddle  in  civil  matters  in  this  coun- 
try, where  it  has  the  power:  the  Bishop  is  th.e 
propounder,  and  the  missionary  one  of  the  ad 
ministrators  of  the  civil  laws. 


Note   N.— Page    109. 

The  poor,  the  illilcrale,  and  the  v'orking  classes  the  niost 
deeply  interested  in  quelling  riot  and  disorder. 

I.  have  elsewhere  hinted  at  the  danger  to 
the  stability  of  our  institutions  of  the  inch  spirit 
which  has  been  manifested  in  different  parts  of 
the  country.  But  I  fear  that  the  jjrocess  of 
disorganization,  the  gradual  change  which 
frequent  riot  necessarily  works  in  the  nature 
of  government,  has  not  been  duly  considered 
by  those  whom  it  most  deeply,  most  vitally 
concerns;  I  mean  the  hard-ivor/dng,  uneduca- 
ted poor.  Let  me  endeavor  to  trace  this  process. 
What  is  the  proper  effect  of  our  democratic  re- 
publican institutions  upon  the  various  classes 
into  which  human  society  must  ever  be  divi- 
ded? How  do  they  affect  the  condition  of  the 
rich  and  the  poor,  the  educated  and  the  illit- 
erate 7  Equality,  tlie  only  practicable  equality, 
is  their  result ;  not  that  spurious,  visionary 
equality  wJiich  would  make  a  forced  commu- 
nity of  property,  but  that  equality  which  puts 
lio  artificial  obstacles  in  the  way  of  anv  man's 
becoming  the  richest  or  most  learned  in  i\\Q 


APPENDIX.  153 

State;  which  allows  every  man,  without  other 
impediment  than  the  common  olistacles  of 
human  nature,  and  the  equal  rights  of  his  neigh- 
bor impose,  to  strive  after  wealth,  and  know- 
ledge, and  happiness.  True  Christian  repub- 
licanism, by  its  benevolent  and  ennobling 
principles,  impels  the  wealthy  and  the  "educa- 
ted to  use  their  talents  for  the  benefit  of  the 
whole  community;  it  prompts  to  acts  of  public 
spirit,  to  self-sacrifice,  and  to  unwearied  efforts 
to  lesson  the  natural  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the 
poor  and  uneducated  to  competence  and  intel- 
lectual character,  by  affording  them  both  em- 
ployment and  education.  The  kindness  and 
benevolence  thus  shown  to  the  poor,  beget,  in 
this  class  of  our  citizens,  industry  and  mental 
effort.  They  feel  that  they  are  not  like  the 
proscribed  of  other  countries  ;  they  see  that  the 
way  is  equally  open  to  all  to  rise  to  the  same 
rank  of  independence  in  mind  and  condition, 
and  they  consequently  are  without  the  ex- 
citing causes  of  envy,  and  ill-will,  and  bitter- 
ness of  feeling  towards  the  wealthy  and  edu- 
cated, which  exist  and  produce  these  fruits  in 
other  and  arbitrary  governments.  Society  in 
its  two  extremes  is  thus  knit  together  by  a 
mutual  confidence,  and  a  mutual  interest ;  for 
causes  beyond  human  control  are  ever  varying 
the  condition  of  men.  He  that  is  rich  to-day 
may  be  poor  to-morrow ;  and  thus  there  is  a 
constant  interchange,  a  mingling  of  ranks, 
which,  like  a  heathful  circulation  in  the  natural 
body,  begets  soundness  and  vigor  througfh  the 
political  body.      The  vicious  and  voluntarily 


154  APPENDIX. 

ignorant  being  the  only  portions  of  society 
naturally  and  justly  excluded  from  the  benefits 
of  this  system. 

Let  us  now  look  at  the  condition  of  these 
same  classes  under  an  arbitrary  government. 
In  Austria,  for  example,  the  jjoor  and  Illiterate 
are  considered  as  the  natural  slaves  of  the 
wealthy  and  learned.  These  classes  are  per- 
petually separated  by  the  artificial  barrier  of 
hereditary  right ;  the  line  of  separation  is  dis- 
tincdy  drawn,  and  in  all  that  relates  to  social 
intercourse  there  js  an  impassable  gulf.  There 
may  be  condescension  on  the  one  part,  but  no 
elevation  on  the  other.  High  birth,  learning, 
wealth,  and  polished  manners  are  on  the  one 
side,  strengthening  the  hands  of  the  arbitrary 
power  that  sustains  them ;  on  the  other,  low 
birth,  ignorance,  poverty,  and  boorishness,  kept 
down  by  their  intrinsic  weakness,  generation 
after  generation,  in  irretrievable  subjection;  the 
upper  classes  knowing  that  their  own  security 
is  based  upon  the  perpetuity  of  ig^norance  and 
superstition  in  the  lower  classes.  Now,  to 
make  the  change  from  republicanism  to  abso- 
lutism, what  means  would  an  arbitrary  power 
like  Austria  be  most  likely  to  devise  ?  AVould 
she  not  attain  her  object  entirely  by  the  creation 
on  the  one  hand,  in  the  wealth  and  talent  of 
this  country,  a  necessity  for  employing  physi- 
cal force,  to  hold  in  subjection  the  poor  and 
illiterate?  and  the  production,  on  the  other 
hand,  of  a  class  ignorant  and  unprincipled,  and 
turbulent  enough  to  need  the  very  restraints  the 
other  class  might  be  compelled  to  employ?   Are 


APPENDIX.  155 

there  any  indications  of  such  a  change  in  this 
country  I     We  have  a  daily  increasing  host  of 
emio:rantS;  a  portion  of  the  very  class  used  to 
foreign  servitude  abroad.     How  could  Austrian 
emissaries  better  serve  their  imperial  master's 
interert,  than  by  keeping  these  unenlightened 
men  in  the  same  micntal  darkness   in  which 
they  existed  in  the  countries  from  which  they 
caiTie,  surroundiuo^  them  here  with  a  police  of 
priests,  and  shutting  out  from  them  the  light 
which  mio'ht  break  in  upon  them  in  this  land 
of  light,  nourishing  them  for  riot  and  turbu- 
lence at  political  meetings,  and  for  bullying  at 
the  polls   those  of  opposite  political  opinions? 
And  what  would  be  the  effect  of  such  a  mode 
of  proceedings  upon  that  class  who  have  ac- 
quired, by  lives  of  honest  industry  and  studious 
application,  wealth,  and  knowledge,  and  politi- 
cal experience  ?  Is  not  such  a  course  calculated 
to  drive  them  away  from  any  participation  in 
the  politics  of  the  country  .^  And  is  not  such  sedi- 
tious conduct  intended  to  produce  this  very  re- 
sult ?     V.  ill  not  meu  who  have  any  self-respect, 
who  have  any  sense  of  character,  turn  away  and 
ask,  with  feelings  of  indignation,  where  is  that 
intelligent,  sober,  orderly  body  of  'native  me- 
chanics and  artisans  who  once  composed  the 
wholesome  substantial  democracy  of  the  coun- 
try, and  on    whose  independence  and  rough 
good   sense  the  country  could  always  rely — 
that  well-tried  body  of  their  own  fellow-citizens, 
accustomed  to  hear  and  read  patiently,  and  de- 
cide discreetly?      And  when  they  see  them 
associated  with  a  rude  set  of  priest-governed 


156  APPENDIX. 

foreigners,  strangers  to  the  order  and  habits  of 
our  institutions,  requiting  us  for  their  hospita- 
ble reception  by  conduct  subversive  of  the 
very  institutions  which  make  them  freemen ; 
when  they  see  them  become  the  dupes  of  the 
machinations  of  a  foreign  despotic  power,  refu- 
sing to  be  undeceived,  and  madly  rushing  to 
tlieir  own  destruction,  will  they  not,  from  mo- 
tives of  self-preservation,  be  willing  to  adopt 
any  system  of  measures,  however  arbitrary, 
which  will  secure  society  from  violence  and 
anarchy  ?  When  disgust  at  priest-guided  mobs 
shall  have  alienated  the  minds  of  one  class  of 
the  citizens  from  the  other,  we  have  then  one 
of  the  parties  nearly  formed,  which  is  neces- 
sary for  the  designs  of  despotism  in  accom- 
plishing the  subversion  of  the  republic.  And 
the  otJicr  farty  is  still  easier  formed.  The 
alienation  of  feeling  in  the  wealthier  class,  and 
their  remarks  of  disgust,  may  be  easily  tortured 
into  contempt  for  the  classes  below  them,  and 
then  the  natural  envy  of  the  poor  towards  the 
rich  will  always  furnish  occasions  to  excite  to 
violence.  When  hostility  between  these  two 
parties  has  reached  a  proper  height,  the  sig- 
nal from  the  arch  jugglers  in  Europe  to  their 
assistants  here,  can  easily  kindle  the  flames  of 
civil  strife.  And  then  comes  the  dexterous 
change  of  systems.  Frequent  outrage  must  be 
quelled  by  military  force,  for  the  public  peace 
must  at  all  events  be  preserved,  and  the  civil 
arm  will  have  become  too  weak ;  and  thus 
commences  an  armed  police,  itself  but  the  pre- 
cursor of  a  standing  army.     And  which  party 


APPENDIX. 


157 


will  be  tlie  sulferer?  All  experience  answers 
that  ivedllh  and  talent  are  more  than  a  match 
for  mere  brute  force,  for  the  plain  reason  that 
they  can  ho\\\jmr chase  and  direct  it.  The  rich 
can  pay  for  their  protection,  and  soldiers  belong 
to  those  wlio  pay  them.  The  man  of  talent 
is  wanted  to  direct,  and  he  also  is  retained  by 
the  rich.  What  then  becomes  of  the  illiterate 
and  laborino;  poor ']  Reduced  after  inetlectual, 
ill-concerted  resistance,  to  the  same  state  of 
perfect  subjection  that  obtains  in  the  '' Juippy 
Austrian  empire:'  It  is  the  poor^  then,- the 
2V)or  and  ignorant^  not  the  rich  and  learned, 
that  have  every  thino-  of  hope  and  liberty  to 
lose  from  the  machinations  of  Austria.  In  a 
moral  and  intelligent  Democracy,  the  rich  and 
poor  are  friends  and  equals ;  in  a  Popish  des- 
potism, the  poor  are  in  abject  servitude  to  the 
rich.  Let  the  working-men,  the  laboring  class- 
es, well  consider  that  their  liberty  is  in  danger, 
and  can  be  preserved  only  by  their  encourage- 
ment of  education  and  good  order. 


Note  O. — Page   116. 

Dangers  from  a  riotous  spirit,  and  the  kind  of  treatment  due 

from  Protestant  Americans  to  Catholic  Emigrants. 

AH  the  topics  which  grow  out  of  this  mo- 
mentous subject  of  Popery  as  their  prolific 
parent,  are  of  absorbing  national  interest,  but 
no  one  forces  itself  upon  our  consideration  more 
imperiously  at  this  moment,  than  that  which 
heads  this  note.  For,  nnless  I  am  greatly  de- 
ceived, the  waking  up  of  this  great  nation's  in- 
dicrnation.  the  shaking  ofFof  the  lethargy  which 
14 


158  APPENDIX. 

has  so  long  held  in  unacconntable  stupor  the 
senses  of  the  people,  which  has  shut  their  eyes 
and  stopped  their  ears  to  the  proofs  of  foreign  con- 
spiracy which  everywhere  surrounded  them, 
the  mis^hty  crathering  of  all  real  patriots  to  the 
defence  of  their  liberties,  which  the  sounds  of 
preparation  from  all  quarters  of  the  land  but 
too  strongly  indicate,  may  be  attended  with  ef- 
fects disastrous  to  the  cause  of  true  liberty — may 
produce,  through  63xcess  or  ill-regulated  zeal, 
the  evil  which  it  is  desirous  to  remedy  ;  for  ex- 
cess, even  in  favor  of  right  principles,  doubles 
the  amount  of  the  evil  which  it  attempts  to 
cure.  Excess  of  all  kinds,  whether  in  thought, 
word,  or  action,  (O  that  this  could  be  impressed 
on  every  American  heart !)  is  just  so  much 
gain  to  the  side  of  Popery.  I  know  not  how 
prevalent  is  error  on  this  point,  but  I  am  per- 
suaded that  it  exists  to  an  extent  to  make  an 
American  tremble  for  the  permanency  of  our 
democratic  institutions. 

Is  there  not  a  culpable  acquiescence  in  the 
doina^s  of  a  mob,  if  their  violence  is  directed 
against  some  apparent  or  real  irritating  popular 
evil?  Is  not  the  language  of  such  acquiescence 
most  dangerous?  It  amounts  to  this:  "Al- 
though we  are  averse  to  mob-law,  yet,  on  the 
whole,  there  are  cases  where  the  sin  is  venial, 
and  the  character  of  the  nuisance  it  would 
abate  justifies  its  violence."  Now,  once  con- 
cede in  a  democratic  community,  a  community 
which  makes  its  own  laws  according  to  modes 
prescribed  by  itself,  that  an  irresponsible  minor- 
ity may  set  at  defiance  these  laws,  and  then 


APPENDIX. 


159 


let  me  ask.  where  is  s^overnment?     It  is  pros- 
trated.    It  has  become  anarchy,  and  on  the  ru- 
ins of  social  order  will  arise  another  form  of 
government,  more  or  less  arbitrary^  according 
to   the   more  or  less  profound   causes  which 
effected  the  destruction  of  the  first.    Of  all  forms 
of  government,  a  truly  democratic  government, 
while  it  is  least  obnoxious  to  the  disturbing  in- 
fluences of  mobs,  can  at  the  same  time  least  of 
aU  bear  the  shocks  of  their  turbulence.     No 
events,   therefore,  that  have   occurred  in  the 
eventful  history  of  the  country,  have  so  justly 
caused  alarm  for  the  stability  of  the  govern- 
ment, as  the  spirit  of  mob-violence  which  has 
lately  manifested    itself  so  frequently  in  our 
large  cities.     We  should  do  well  to  remember 
tha^t  we  have  secret  and  artful  enemies  busily 
at  work,  who  can  and  will  take  advantage  of 
this  unnatural  state  of  the  public  feeling,  and 
who  will  not  fail  secretly  to  administer  fuel,  in 
modes  in  which  they  are  perfectly  familiar,  to  a 
diseased  excitement  so  favorable  to  their  views. 
We  have  in  the  country  a  powerful  religious- 
politico  sect,  whose  final  success  depends  on  the 
subversion  of  these  democratic  institutions,  and 
who  have  therefore  a  vital  interest  in  promoting 
mob-violence.  The  saying  of  the  German  Am- 
bassador concernins:  the  Papists,  (quoted  in  the 
prefatory  remarks,)  is   full  of   meaning,    and 
should  be  constantly  borne  in  mind ;  it  lets  us 
into  the  secret  of  their  manoeuvring  in  this 
country  ;  "  they  vnll  he  hammer  or  nails,  they 
will  persecute  or  be  persecutecV     Where  they 
are  in  power,  they  alioays  persecute  ;  when  not 


160  APPENDIX. 

in  power,  and  conseqtiently  nnabie  to  persecute, 
they  will  be  sure  to  conduct,  either  in  so  outra- 
geous, or  mysterious,  or  deceptive  a  manner,  as 
to  rouse  pnbliQ  indignation.  They  will  con- 
trive ingenious  modes  of  irritation  that  shall 
draw  upon  them  popular  vengeance,  and  then 
all  meekness,  and  innocence,  and  resignation, 
raise  the  implorinof  cry  of  persecution.  And 
how  do  they  gain  by  these  opiposite  modes?  If 
they  are  strong  enough  to  persecute,  they  will 
destroy  their  opponents,?';?,  obedience  to  theopen- 
ly  avoioed  principhs  of  their  sect,  by  exile,  by 
dungeons,  and  by  death.  If  they  themselves 
are  persecuted  in  a  Protestant  community,  (Pro- 
testant principles  being  in  known  direct  opposi- 
tion to  persecution,)  it  is  always  by  an  irreli- 
gious mob,  acting  in  defiance  of  Protestant 
principle,  and  unsustained  by  public  opinion, 
and  the  reaction  of  Protestant  sympathy  for  the 
sufferers  on  any  such  occasion,  more  than  makes 
amends,  by  its  gifts,  for  the  injury  sustained. 
Thus  the  very  virtues  of  Protestants,  growing 
out  of  principles  directly  antao;onist  to  Popish 
principles,  are  made  to  work  ag-ainst  Protest- 
antism, and  in  favor  of  Popery.  Do  not  Jesuits 
know  the  well  known  truth,  that  a  sect  is  helped 
by  a  little  persecution?  Do  they  not  now  act 
upon  a  knowledge  of  it  ?  And  should  not  Amer- 
icans replenish  their  memory  with  it  also,  that 
they  may  most  rigidly  abstain  from  disorder, 
and  discountenance  every  disposition  to  riot  or 
violence  ?  Let  them  remember  that  the  laws 
that  govern  them  are  their  own  laws,  and  they 
must  not  allow  them  to  be  broken.     liCt  them 


APPENDIX.  X61 

suspect  a  Popish  plot  to  rob  them  of  their  Ubcr- 
ties  in  every  disorderly  assemblage,  and  by 
good  order,  by  firmness  of  resistance  to  every 
.temptation  to  riot,  defeat  the  designs  of  these 
worst  enemies  of  Democracy. 

In  close  connexion  with  this  topic,  is  that  of 
the  kind  of  treatment  vAiidi  Protestant  Amer- 
icans should  show  to  Catholic  emigrants. 
On  this  subject  a  volume  conld  be  written.  I 
have  space  but  for  a  few  remarks. 

The  condition  of  the  Catholic  emigrants  that 
are  daily  pouring  into  the  country  from  Ger- 
many and  Ireland,  should  awaken  the  strongest 
sympathies  of  Americans  ;  and  in  whatever  as- 
pect viewed,  should  enlist  all  their  feelings  of 
benevolence.  Reflect  a  moment  who  and  what 
they  are.  We  have  read,  and  our  own  coun- 
trymen who  have  travelled  and  seen  them  in 
their  native  land,  bear  testimony  to  the  effects 
upon  the  people  of  the  grinding  oppressions  of 
Papal  government;  to  the  mental  degradation ; 
to  the  poverty,  to  the  wretchedness  of  the  vas- 
sals of  despotism.  And  as  if  to  prove  to  us  what 
we  might  doubt  on  the  authority  of  others,  so 
sombre  is  their  picture  of  human  misery,  the 
very  subjects  of  foreign  oppression  are  brought 
and  placed  before  our  eyes.  See  yonder  ship 
slowly  furling  her  sails.  She  approaches  the  city. 
She  casts  her  anchor.  Who  are  those  that  crowd 
her  decks  ?  With  eager  eyes  they  gaze  in  one 
direction.  They  see,  at  length,  the  far-famed 
land  of  liberty.  Yes ;  its  name  lias  been  waft- 
ed even  to  their  ears,  and  with  the  longings  of 
captives  for  freedom,  they  have  broken  away 
14* 


162  APPENDIX. 

from  slavery,  and  sought  the  asyhim  of  the  op- 
pressed. They  land  upon  our  shores.  Look; 
Americans,  see  before  you  the  fruits  of  jiapal 
education!  of  papal  care  of  the  bodies  and 
minds  of  its  children.  Filthy  and  ragged  in 
body,  ignorant  in  mind,  and  but  too  often  most 
debased  in  morals,  .they  fill  your  streets  with 
squalid  beggary,  and  your  highways  with 
crime;  they  are  such  a  loathsome  picture  of  de- 
gradation, moral  and  physical,  that  you  turn 
away  in  disirust  from  the  sight.  But  why  should 
this  be?  They  .'vre  hunian  beino-s,  althonorh 
oppression  has  l)lotted  out  their  reason,  and 
conscience,  and  thoug;ht.  They  are  the  pro- 
geny of  Popery ;  they  are  the  victims  of  its  iron 
despotism.  It  is  Popery  that  lias  reared  them 
up  in  its  own  caverns  of  superstition.  They 
exhibit  before  you  the  blio-hting  effects  of  this- 
scourge  of  the  earth.  It  is  Popery  tliat  has  filled 
their  n^inds  v.'ith  puerile  fables,  closed  their  men- 
tal eyes  in  the  darkness  of  ignorance,  fleeced 
them  of  their  property  by  systematic  robbery, 
kept  them  from  the  knowledo-e  of  their  natural 
ri<;rhts  as  men,  to  liberty  of  conscience  and  of 
opinion,  extorted  an  abject  obedience  to  their 
feilow-men,  to  blasphemous  usurpers  of  the 
prerogative  of  Deity.  Their  ignorance  is  their 
lasting,  fatal  curse;  their  reason  and  conscience 
stifled  at  their  birth,  they  are  cast  upon  our 
care  mere  human  machines,  for  the  fell  usurp- 
ers of  God's  power  have  torn  out  of  them  their 
very  minds.  To  think  for  themselves,  that  in- 
alienable right  of  a  rational  being,  is  rebellion 
against  their  priest ;  they  read  not,  tliey  under- 


APPENDIX.  163 

stand  not  our  charter  of  liberty.  They  love 
liberty,  indeed,  but  what  shape  has  liberty 
to  men  without  minds  ?  What  perception  of 
light  has  a  sightless  eye?  Their  liberty  is 
licentiousness,  their  freedom,  strife  and  de- 
bauchery. 

And  now  with  what  emotions  should  Protest- 
ants look  on  these  suffering,  deluded  men?  In 
what  channel  should  their  sympathies  flow? 
They  have  already  been  beaten  to  the  dust  by 
tyranny.  Is  it  for  freemen  to  follow  up  the  cruel 
blow  of  foreign  tyrants  ?  They  have  been 
brutalized  by  neglect ;  shall  they  be  now  hunt- 
ed by  proscription  ?  Shall  no  Christian  effort 
be  made  to  light  up  again  in  their  darkened 
bosoms  the  extinguished  spark  of  humanity? 
They  are  followed  into  our  habitations ;  yes, 
Americans,  they  are  pursued  into  your  own 
asylum  of  liberty  by  their  foreign  oppressors, 
who,  like  hungry  wolves,  have  ventured  with 
unhallowed  feet  into  the  very  sanctuary  of  free- 
dom to  grasp  again  their  scarcely  escaped  prey. 
And  have  Americans  no  compassion?  Have 
they  no  courairc  ?  Will  they  not  protect  the 
oppressed  ?  Will  they  not  interpose  between 
them  and  their  priestly  oppressors,  and  say  to 
the  latter,  •'  Stand  off;  this  is  a  land  of  freedom; 
these  men  are  now  American  citizens ; — they 
have  a  rioht  to  American  education  ;  to  repub- 
lican education  ;  to  Bible  education  ;  they  have 
aright  to  the  knowledge  that  they  owe  no  allegi- 
ance to  priests  ;  that  here  there  are  no  forbid- 
den books,  that  knowledge  here  is  not  meted  cut 
in  scanty  drops,  to  serve  the  purposes  of  power- 


164  APPENDIX. 

grasping  despots,  but  it  is  spread  out  before 
them  wide  and  deep  as  the  ocean ;  that  Amer- 
ican laws  protect  them  from  ecclesiastical 
as  well  as  civil  proscription.,  from  ecclesiastical 
as  well  as  civil  extortion  ;  that  they  owe  no  obli- 
gation to  pay  an  arbitrary  tax  of  bishop  or 
priest;  that  they  have  a  right  to  know  the 
amount^  and  the  manner  of  disburse?7ienf,  of 
every  cent  they  are  called  on  to  contribute  in 
church  as  well  as  state  ?" 

Will  not  Americans  teach  them  these  truths, 
and  aid  them  to  break  the  chains  with  which 
foreign  tyrants  have  bound  them?  or  will  they 
compel  them,  by  proscription  and  persecution, 
or  unfeeling  neglect,  to  clan  together  around 
their  priests,  because  deserted  by  those  who 
shonld,  and  who  alone  can  undeceive  and  en- 
lighten them  7  In  the  one  case,  there  is  hope 
of  incorporating  them  into  the  American  repub- 
lican family,  as  useful  fellow-citizens.  In  the 
other,  there  is  the  certainty  of  perpetuating  a  dis- 
tinct foreign  and  hostile  interest  in  the  country, 
to  distract  its  councils,  to  sully  the  peaceful 
character  of  its  institutions,  and  finally  to  aid 
in  the  complete  destruction  of  this  strong  hold, 
the  last  hope  of  Freedom. 

-'but  once  put  out  thy  (light,) 

"  Thou  canning'st  pattern  of  excellent  nature, 
"I  know  not  where  is  the  Promethean  heat 
"  That  can  thy  light  relume." 


Note  P.— Page   120. 

Both  political  Parties  intrigue  for  Catholic  votes. 

Let  neither  political  party  throw  upon  his 
anta2:onist  the  exclusive  odium  of  courting  this 


APPENDIX.  165 

foreign,  priest-disciplined  band.  There  arc 
some  of  both  parties  who  mnst  hide  their  heads 
with  shame,  when  real  Americans,  the  patriots 
of  the  coimtry,  disreo^ardine  party  name,  shall 
turn  their  indignant  eyes  upon  this  lurking  en- 
emy of  liberty,  and  shall  apprehend  the  reality 
of  this  foreign  conspiracy.  Is  either  political 
party  disposed  to  upbraid  the  other  with  tam- 
pering with  Popery,  or  to  cong:ratulate  itself 
that  it  has  kept  its  own  o;arments  unspotted  from 
the  crime  of  this  indirect  treason?  If  either 
thus  flatters  itself,  let  it  he  dji.mh ;  let  guilt  stop 
the  utterance  of  both.  Both  are  deplorably, 
notoriously  guilty.  This  is  a  truth  that  cannot 
and  will  not  be  denied.  Both  have  bargained 
with  these  organized  vassals  of  a  foreign  power. 
Both,  in  their  ea2;er  recklessness  to  triumph 
over  each  other,  have  aided  foreign  despotism  to 
prostrate  at  its  feet  the  liberties  of  their  country, 
the  liberties  of  the  world.  All  parties,  religions 
and  political,  are  suffering,  and  have  yet  much 
more  to  suffer  from  the  evils  already  produced  by 
their  blind  folly,  by  this  their  culpable  servility  to 
priest  governed  foreigners  their  cowardly  back- 
wardness in  not  daring  todraginto  the  light  this 
covert  treason,  because,  forsooth,  it  comes  in  a 
sacred  s^arb,  thejr  wretchedly  loose  notions  of  tol- 
erance, and  charity,  and  liberality;  their  shame- 
ful disregard  of  the  consequences  of  their  bar- 
gainings. And  is  it  indeed  come  to  this?  A 
nation  of  Protestant  freemen,  nurtured  in  Pro- 
testant principles,  the  only  true  principles  of 
liberty,  principles  wrested  from  tyranny  by  the 
persevering  valor  of  their  fathers,  the  result  of 


166  APPENDIX. 

the  intellectual,  ay,  and  physical  combats  of 
centuries — the  fruits  of  obstinately  contested 
struggles  with  despotism,  and  superstition,  and 
bigotry — struggles  of  ages  against  the  united 
intrigues  of  kingcraft  and  priestcraft ;  Ameri- 
cans, thus  emancipated,  having^  enjoyed  the 
peaceful  fruits  of  these  blood-earned  truths  for 
two  centuries,  at  length  grow  careless  of  their 
treasure ;  they  sport  with  their  liberty,  as  if  it 
were  nothing  Avorth ;  they  grow  weary  of  guard- 
ing their  happiness,  they  sleep  on  their  posts, 
they  settle  down  into  quiet  security.  They  have 
ships,  and  forts,  and  arms,  and  brave  hearts  to 
defend  their  shores,  and  so  there  is  no  danger — 
all  is  peace,  for  the  battle  has  long  since  been 
won,  they  can  now  safely  doff  their  armor, 
there  is  no  further  need  of  the  watchings  of  the 
camp.  Our  enemies,  they  say,  have  in  truth 
become  our  friends  ;  Kings  are  now  Republi- 
can, and  the  Pope,  yes,  the  Pope  (his  bulls  and 
proclamations  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding) 
we  hope  and  beheve  has  turned  a  Protestant 
Republican,  at  least  in  this  country.  Let  us 
be  generous,  say  these  descendants  of  ever- 
jealous  sires ;  let  us  invite  our  former  foes  to 
partake  of  our  hospitality.  How  noble  the  sen- 
timent !  How  will  the  world  applaud !  Let  us 
show  an  exampleof  liberality  unparaUeled.  The 
invitation  is  accepted,  and  they  flock  in  count- 
less thousands  to  our  shores ;  a  motley  band, 
the  oppressor  and  the  oppressed  too;ether,  and 
their  relations  to  each  other,  too,  unchanged. 
They  have  needed  no  Trojan  horse  to  hide 
them  from  our  too  credulous  eyes;    we  lead 


APPENDIX.  167 

thi^i.  openly  iiito  the  midst  of  us.  They  parade 
cui  oa'tjtts  with  foreicrn  banners,  already  they 
flaufii  ihem  in  our  faces  in  derision.  They 
even  threaten  us  with  their  veno^eance,  and 
we  cower  beneath  their  frown.  Yes,  we  plead 
with  them  to  spare  us,  we  thank  them  for  re- 
straining their  rod,  we  humbly  confess  the  sins 
of  our  ancestors  ;  we  tell  them  our  fathers  w^ere 
bigoted  RndfcDiatical^  they  were  too  prejudiced 
against  these  our  regal  and  papal  friends. 

AVe,  their  children,  grown  more  liberal,  will 
show  our  freedom  from  narrow  prejudices  ;  we 
will  make  amends  for  past  offences;  our  papal 
friends  shall  be  received  with  open  arms  :  we 
will  even  urge  them  to^he  the  umpires  in  our 
family  quarrels  ;  w^e  will  beseech  them  to  edu- 
cate our  children  in  their  foreio^n  principles  of 
passive  obedience  ;  we  will  build  for  them  their 
fortresses  on  our  own  soil,  to  attack  our  own 
strong-hold,  and  then  we  will  trust  to  their 
mercy  ;  we  shall  then  have  delivered  up  to 
them  all  the  keys  of  our  house,  and  what  will 
remain  for  us  but  to  bow  our  necks  beneath  the 
foot  of  the  Pope,  and  asking  absolution  for  our 
own  sins,  and  our  fathers'  sinsof  lonsf  rebellion 
against  his  rightful  sovereignty,  humbly  beg  a 
legal  charter  for  our  country,  and  a  consecra- 
ted king  for  our  throne  ? 


Note    R.— Page    120. 
Popish  experiment  on  the  Military  of  the  Country. 

The  experiments  of  Popery,  in  various  parts 
of  the  country,  on  the  ignorance,  or  credulity, 


168  APPENDIX. 

or  apathy  of  the  people,  are  every  day,  I  mio-ht 
say  eA^ery  hoar,  more  manifest,  and  they  are 
prosecuted  with  a  boldness,  with  an  audacious 
detiauce  of  American  habits,  and  the  feelings 
of  American  republica.nism,  truly  astonishing. 
Yet,  upon  reflection,  is  it  so  astonishing  that  a 
tyranny  of  such  inexhaustible  resources  of  cun- 
ning aiid  artifice,  backed  by  the  treasures  and 
the  open  encouragement  of  the  arbitrary  gov- 
ernments of  Europe,  should  be  more  than  or- 
dinarily  hold  /      For   if  success   attends   the 
advauce  of  these  arch  intriguers  against  our 
Protestant  habits  and  institutions,  high  honors 
and  pecuniary  rewards  await  them  at  home:  if 
detection  at  any  time  Overtakes  them,  from  the 
sudden  wakino-  of  their  victim,  and  his  restive 
efforts  to  break  off  the  bands  that  they  would, 
spider-like,  softly  bind   upon   hini,  they  have 
a  retreat  from  punishment  in  their  own  coun- 
try.     A   new   experiment,   anotlier    step   for- 
ward in  the  march  against  our  freedom,  (and 
to    all   appearances,    at   present,  a   successful 
one.)  has  been  tried  at  the  West,  at  St.  Louis, 
in  the  consecration  of  the   Popish  cathedral. 
The  account  is  from  a  Popish  journal,  called 
the  Catholic  Telegraph.     They  shall  have  the 
benefit  of  their  own  recital. 

'•  The  cathedral  of  St.  Louis  is  134  feet  long, 
by  84  wide.  There  are  8  rows  of  pews,  25  in 
each  row,  calculated  to  contain  at  least  8,000 
persons.  There  are  two  magnificent  colonnades 
at  opposite  sides  in  the  body  of  the  church,  con- 
sistinij;"  of  five  massive  pillars  of  brick,  elegantly 
marbledj  and  each  four  feet  in  diameter. 


APPENDIX.  169 

'•The  altar  is  of  stone.  It  is  only  temporary, 
and  will  soon  be  superseded  by  a  superb  mar- 
ble altar,  which  is  hourly  expected  from  Italy. 

'•  The  church,  it  is  said,  has  already  cost 
$42,000.  It  is  presumed  that  about  $18,000 
more  will  be  required  to  finish  it,  according:  to 
the  original  and  magnificent  design  of  its  foun- 
ders; so  that  the  entire  cost  of  the  building  and 
its  furniture  cannot  be  less  than  §60,000. 

"  The  consecration  took  place  on  the  Sab- 
bath, October  2(3,  1834. 

"  At  an  early  hour,  7  A.  M.  on  the  day  of 
consecration,  four  Bishops,  twenty-eight  Priests, 
twelve  of  whom  were  from  twelve  different 
nations,  and  a  considerable  number  of  young 
aspirants  to  the  holy  ministry,  making  the  en- 
tire ecclesiastical  corps  amount  to  fifty  or  sixty, 
were  habited  in  their  appropriate  dresses.  As 
soon  as  the  'procession  was  organized^  the 
pealing  of  three  large  and  clear-sounding  bells, 
the  thunder  of  two  pieces  of  artillery  raised  all 
hearts,  as  well  as  our  own,  to  the  Great  Al- 
mighty Being. 

"  When  the  holy  relics  were  moved  to- 
wards their  new  habitation,  where  they  shall 
enjoy  an  anticipated  resurrection — the  presence 
of  their  God  in  this  holy  tabernacle,  the  guns 
fired  a  second  salute.  We  felt  as  if  the  soul 
of  St.  Louis,  Christian,  Lawgiver,  and  Hero, 
was  in  the  sound,  and  that  he  again  led  on  his 
victorious  armies  in  the  service  of  the  God  of 
Hosts,  for  the  defence  of  his  religon,  his  sepul 
chre,  and  his  people. 

"When  the  solemn  moment  of  the  consecra- 
15 


170  APrtNDix. 

tion  approached,  and  the  >Sb/i  of  the  Hvlng  God 
was  going  to  descend,  for  the  first  time,  into 
tlie  new  residence  of  his  glory  on  earth,  the 
dritms  heat  the  reveille,  three  of  the  star-span- 
gled banners  icere  lowered  over  the  balustrade 
of  the  sanctuary,  the  artillery  gave  a  deafening 
discharge. 

"  The  dedication  sermon  was  preached  by 
the  Bishop  of  Cincinnati.  During  the  Divine 
Sacrifice,  two  of  the  military  stood  with  drawn 
swords,  one  on  each  side  of  the  altar ;  they 
belonged  to  a  guard  of  honor,  formed  express- 
ly for  the  occasion.  Besides  whom,  there  were 
detachments  from  the  four  militia  companies  of 
the  city,  the  Marions,  the  Grays,  the  Riflemen, 
and  the  Cannoneers  from  Jefi'cr son  Barracks, 
stationed  at  convenient  distances  around^  the 
church. 

"  Well  and  eloquently  did  the  Rev.  Mr.  Abel), 
pastor  of  Louisville,- observe  in  the  evening  dis- 
course, alluding  to  his  own  and  the  impressions 
of  the  clero^y  and  laity,  who  were  witnesses  to 
the  scene  :  Fellov\r-Christians  and  Fellow-Cit.i- 
zens  !  I  have  seen  the  flag  of  my  country  proud- 
ly floating  at  the  mast"  head  of  our  richly- 
freio^hted  merchantmen  ;  I  have  seen  it  flutter- 
ing in  the  breeze  at  the  head  of  our  armies ;  but 
never,  7iever  did  my  heart  extdt  as  when  I  this 
day  beheld  it  for  the  first  time  bow  before  its 
God  !  Breathing  from  infancy  the  air  which 
our  artillery  had  purified  from  the  infectious 
spirit  of  bigotry  and  persecution,  it  would  be 
the  pride  of  my  soul  to  take  the  brave  men  by 
the  hand,  by  whom  these  cannons  were  served. 


APPENDIX.  .  171 

But  for  those  cannons,  there  would  be  no  home 
for  the  free,  no  asyhnii  for  the  persecuted." 

What  are  the  reflections. of  an  American  on 
an  occurrence  Uke  this  ?  What  must  they  be 
to  one  who  has  ever  felt  his  pride  of  country 
stir  within  liim,  when  in  foreign  lands  he  has 
beheld  the  de^^raded  slaves  of  despotism  bow  in 
like  manner  before  the  altars  and  idols  of  hea- 
thenish superstition,  awed  into  seeming  rever- 
ence by  the  military  array  which  always 
accompanies  the  imposing  ceremonial  of  the 
Popish  church?  But  the  military  were  only  a 
guard  of  honor !  Yes,  this  is  the  soft  name  given 
to  this  despotic  chain,  the  musical  sound  to 
charm  us  away  from  scrutinizing  it;  audit  will  be 
sufficient,  doubtless,  to  drown  its  harsher  clank- 
ing in  our  torpid  ears.  The  guard  of  honor,  that 
universal  appendage  of  kings  and  sacred  des- 
pots, is  a  serviceable  band.  It  not  only  helps 
to  swell  a  procession  by  its  numbers,  but  with 
the  o-litter  of  its  arms,  and  accoutrements,  and 
gay  bamiers,  it  adds  splendor  to  the  pageant  of 
a  lieathen  ritual.  But,  reader,  it  has  an  essen- 
tial duty  to  perform.  Its  duty  is  to  enforce  the 
ceremonies  of  ivorship  upon  all  present.  Do 
you  doubt  this  duty  of  the  guard  of  honor  7 — • 
The  writer  will  give  his  own  experience  of  the 
duties  of  the  gruard  of  honor.  1  was  a  stran- 
ger  in  Rome,  and  recoverinof  from  the  debility  of 
a  slight  fever;  I  was  walking  for  air  and  gentle 
exercise  in  the  Corso,  on  the  day  of  the  celebra- 
timi  of  the  Corpus  Domini.  From  the  houses 
on  each  side  of  the  street  were  hung  rich  tapes- 
tries and  2fold  embroidered  damasks,  and  to- 


172  .  APPENDIX. 

wards  me  slowly  advanced  a  long  procession, 
Adecked  out  with  alt  the  heathenish  parapher- 
nalia of  this  self-styled  church.     In  a  part  of 
the  procession  a  lofty  baldichino,  or  canopy, 
borne  by  men,  was  held  above  the  idol,  the  host, 
before  which,  as  it  passed,  all  heads  were  un- 
covered, and  every  knee  bent  but  mine.     Igno- 
rant of  the  customs  of  heathanism,  I  turned  my 
back  to  the  procession,  and  close  to  the  side  of 
the  houses  in  the  crowd,  (as  I  supposed  unob- 
served,) I  was  noting  in  my  tablets  the  order  of 
the  assemblage.     I  was  suddenly  aroused  from 
my  occupation,  and  staga:ered  by  a  blow  upon 
the  head  from  the  gun  and  bayonet  of  a  sol- 
dier, which  struck'  off    my  hat  far  into   the 
crowd.      Upon    recovering    from   the    shock, 
the  soldier,  with  the  expression  of  a  demon, 
and  his  mouth  pouring  forth  a  torrent  of  Ital- 
ian  oaths,    in   which  il  diavolo  had  a  prom- 
inent place,  stood   with   his  bayonet  against 
my  breast.     I  could  make  no  resistance,  1  could 
only  ask  him  why  he  struck  me,  and  receive  in 
answer  his  fresh  volley  of  unintelligible  impre- 
cations, which  havmg  delivered,  he  resumed 
his  place  in  the  guard  of  honor,  by  the  side  of 
the  ofiiciating  Cardinal. 

Americans  will  not  fail  to  observe  in  the  pre- 
cious extract  of  the  discourse  in  which  the 
priest  gives  vent  to  his  feehngs  of  exultation 
upon  seeing  our  national  flag,  the  star  span- 
gled banner,  humbled  in  the  dust  before  the 
Pope,  that  with  the  cunning  of  his  craft  he 
flatters  the  soldiery,  and  in  a  sermon  professed- 
ly to  the  God  of  Peace,  and  in  dedicating  a 


APPENDIX.  173 

temple  to  bis  name,  he  is  inspired  with  no  lof- 
tier feelings  of  the  soul  than  this — "it  would  be 
the  pride  of  my  soul  to  take  the  brave  men  by 
the  hand  by  whom  these  cannons  were  served." 
Why?  Is  it  such  a  brave  act  to  touch  off  a 
cannon  ?  Or  was  the  imagination  of  the  priest 
revelhng  in  the  dream  of  seeing  the  military 
power  of  the  country,  at  a  future  day,  at  the 
beck  and  service  of  the  Pope,  and  his  Austrian 
master  ? 


THE  MASK  THROWN  ASIDE. 

A  charge  of  hostility  to  American  institutions, 
against  any  sect  or  class  in  the  community,  is 
a  very  serious  one,  and  only  requires  evidence 
to  support  it,  to  draw  upon  all  its  doinsfs  the 
watchful  eye  of  American  freemen.  It  is  ask- 
ed, what  evidence  should  you  think  sufficiently 
strong  to  substantiate  the  charge?  I  answer, 
the  general  principles  of  the  sect  would  be  suf- 
ficient, but  its  own  declarations  of  hostility 
would  certainly  substantiate  the  charge.  If  a 
Presbyterian  journal,  in  commentins^  on  tbe 
trial  of  the  rioters  in  Charlestown,  should  make 
remarks  like  the  following,  the  evidence  would 
doubtless  be  considered  complete. 

•'  A  system  of  government  which  admits  a  feeling  of 
alarm,  in  the  execution  of  the  laws,  from  the  vengeance  of 
the  mob,  which  Mr.  Austin,"  (the  prosecuting  attorney) 
"  distinctly  allows  to  be  the  case — a  vengeance  exhibited 
by  letters  to  the  public  officers,  and  threats  to  the  public 
authorities — may  be  very  fine  in  theory,  very  fit  for  imitoMon 
on  the  part  of  those  v:ho  seek  the  poioer  of  the  vioh  in  coyitra' 
distinction  to  justice  and  the  public  iiiterest.  but  it  is  not  of  a 
15* 


174  APPENDIX. 

nature  to  invite  the  reflectiHg  part  of  the  irorld,  and  sko-ws 
at  least  that  it  has  evils.  A  public  officer  in  England,  who 
would  publicly  avow  such  a  fear  of  executing  his  duty  and 
carrying  into  effect  the  law  of  the  realm,  ousrht  and  would 
be  thrust  out  of  office  by  public  opinion.  This  one  fact  is 
condemnation  of  the  system  of  American  institutions, 
confirmed  latehj  by  numerous  other  proofs." 

Now,  could  hostility  to  our  institutions  be 
more  strongly  expressed  ?  and  were  Presbyte- 
rians, or  any  other  Protestant  sect,  thus  boldly 
to  avow  its  political  antipathies,  every  political 
journal  would  seize  upon  this  evidence  of  trea- 
son, and  trumpet  it  throuo-h  the  whole  country. 
Why  then  are  they  now  silent?  This  treason 
is  actually  uttered;  nor  is  it  less  humiliating, 
or  less  dano^erous,  that  it  is  flung  in  our  faces 
by  a  set  of  foreigners  in  the  employment  and 
pay  of  a  foreign  government,  instead  of  native 
citizens.  The  very  words  I  have  quoted  are 
from  the  Catholic  Telegraph,  a  Roman  Catho-^ 
He  journal,  edited  and  published  at  Cincinnati. 
Let  it  be  borne  in  mind  too,  that  a  Catholic 
journal  is  under  the  supervision  of  the  Bishops, 
who  exercise  a  rigid  censorship  over  it;  that  it 
speaks  the  authorized  sentiments  of  the  sect ; 
and  we  shall  then  perceive  something  of  the  im- 
portance to  be  attached  to  these  anti-republican 
declarations.  They  are  indeed  a  precious,  an  in- 
valuable testimonial  to  the  people,  of  the  duplici- 
ty of  their  professed  friends.  Everywhere  in 
the  land  hitherto.  Papists  have  been  loudest  in 
professions  of  attachment  to  American  repub- 
lican institutions.  They  have  now  thrown  of! 
tlie  mask.  They  unblnshingly  declare  that 
"o//r  system,  of  government^  though  very  fine 


APPENDIX.  175 

ifi  theory,  is  not  of  a  nature  to  invite  the  reflect- 
ing jxirt  of  the  world ;"  in  short,  that  it  is  an 
experiment  that  has  failed:  that  ^'•American 
institutions  stand  condemned  by  a  single  fact 
in  the  trial  in  Boston,  and  by  numerous  other 
proofs.^''  And  what  has  brought  out  this  precious 
confession ;  what  has  occurred  to  make  it  a  fit 
time  to  lay  aside  the  disguise  in  which  they  have 
till  now  deceived  the  democracy  of  the  country  ? 
What  has  produced  this  sudden  revolution  in 
their  opinion  of  our  form  of  government '}  Let 
us  look  into  this  matter. 

A  body  of  native  citizens  is  excited  to  indig-  ^ 
nation  by  rumors  (whether  true  or  false  alters 
not  the  case)  that  an  act  of  foul  play,  such  as 
the  history  of  those  nuisances  (convents)  in  all 
countries  have  abundantly  furnished,  had  oc- 
curred in  the  Charlestown  Nunnery.  This  mob, 
instead  of  beins:  met  with  efforts  to  appease  it 
by  immediate  explanation,  as  would  have  been 
the  case  in  any  Protestant  seminary  in  the  land, 
(for  Protestants  have  no  secret  mysteries  in 
their  disciphne.)  this  mob,  I  say,  is  kept  for 
days  in  an  excited  state,  by  mysterious  manoeu- 
vrinsf  on  tlie  part  of  the  Catholics,  and  by 
irritating  threats  from  the  Superior  of  the  Con- 
vent, that  20.000  foreigners,  under  the  orders 
of  the  Bishop,  would  take  vengeance  upon  the 
citizens  if  they  dared  to  commit  an  injury  up- 
on the  Convent,  and  this  threat  was  uttered  in 
sight  of  Bunker  hill.  Under  this  provocation 
the  outrao-e  was  committed.  And  is  it  a  mat-  y 
ter  of  surprise?  I  know  of  no  one  who  justi- 
fies the  illegal  violence  in  burning  the  Convent, 


170  APPENDIX. 

but  I  unhesitatingly  say,  that  the  feehng  of  in- 
dignation which  animated  the  populace,  was 
a  just  and  proper  feehng.  It  was  roused  by 
the  belief  that  a  yovuig  and  helpless  female  had 
been  illegally  and  cruelly  abducted  from  her 
friends,  and  subjected  to  a  secret  tyrannical 
punishment.  The  feeling,  I  say,  under  this 
belief,  was  not  only  honorable  to  the  Charles- 
towniaus,  but,  had  they  viewed  such  an  out- 
rage with  indifference,  they  would  have  shown 
themselves  unworthy  of  American  citizens. 
Their  error  (and  it  cannot  be  defended,  how- 
ever it  may  he  palliated  by  the  gross  insult 
whicli  they  received)  consisted  in  suffering 
their  just  indignation  to  flow  in  an  illegal  chan- 
nel, and  instead  of  rallying  round  the  laws, 
and  strengthening  tJiem  by  a  strong  expression 
of  public  opinion  at  a  special  meeting  of  citi- 
zens, they  leaped  the  bounds  of  law,  and  com- 
mitted a  crime  which  the  Papists  are  trying 
every  possible  means  to  cause  to  react  in 
their  favor.  But  allowing  that  no  palliating 
circumstances  attended  the  act  of  the  rioters, 
that  no  excuse  could  be  pleaded  for  them,  as 
acting  under  the  impulse  of  the  most  stino^ing 
insult  that  could  be  given  to  any  people  by  a 
foreigner;  what  have  these  acts  to  do  with  our 
"system  of  irovernment;"  or  with  "American 
institutions?"  In  Enoland,  forsooth,  they  man- 
ao-e  thino-s  better.  There  arc  never  riots  in 
En^-land  !  London,  Manchester,  Bristol,  I  sup- 
pose were  never  agitated  by  riots  !  Paris,  Ly- 
ons, Marseilles,  Nismes,  St.  Petersbnrgh,  Brus- 
sels, Frankfort,  Pvome,  Constantinople  :  none  of 


APPENDIX.  177 

these  places,  under  various  systems  of  2:overn> 
ment,  are  ever  witnesses  to  riots !      But  this 
Popish  enemy  to  our  institutions  may  say,  it  is 
not  the  riot,  but  the  threatening  letters  sent  to 
the  prosecuting  attorney  to  intimidate  him  in 
his  duty,  that   tells  against  the  2;overnment. 
Indeed  ;  and  who  wrote  the  letters?  Is  it  quite 
certain  thai  they  were  not  the  production  of 
some  Jesuit,  to  fan  an  excitement  which  w.as 
so  likely  to  be  turned  to  the  advantage  of  his 
schemes?     Threatening  letters  are  much  in  use 
in  a  certain  Catholic  country  called  Ireland,  un- 
der a  monarchical  system  of  government.     But 
suppose  these  letters  were  not  written  by  Jesu- 
its, but  were  the  production  of  some  wicked  or 
thoughtless  person,  what  then?     Is  our  form 
of  government  the  cause  of  the  writing  of  an- 
onymous  threatening    letters?      Would   any 
other  form  of  government  prevent  this  evil,  of 
so   alarminof   magnitude   in    the   eyes   of  the 
Catholic  Telegraph?     Can  it  be  prevented  in 
Eno^land,  or  in  any  other  form  of  govermxient 
in  the  world  ?     Yes,  there  is  one  government 
which  could  probably  prevent  it.     It  is  one  in 
which  the  Inquisition  is  established,  and  by 
means  of  which,  aided  by  the  confessional,  all 
that  is  considered    necessary  for  the  good  of 
the  church  could  be  brought  to  light,  or  rather 
to  the  ears  of  those  most  interested  in  knowins" 
all  secrets  that  bear  upon  their  own  power. 
How  soon  we  shall  be  prepared  for  such  a 
change  of  government  to  suit  the  designs  of 
these  busy  foreign  emissaries,  depends  on  the 


178  APPENDIX. 

continuance  of  the  character  for  sagacity,  in- 
teUio-ence,  and  virtue  of  the  American  people. 

Whatever  doubts  some  may  Iiave  hitherto 
had  with  resrard  to  the  existence  of  a  foreign 
conspiracy  in  the  country,  I  thinlv  the  case  is 
now  become  too  plain  to  need  furtlier  proof. 
Indeed,  so  bold  are  these  foreign  emissaries  in 
the  utterance  of  their  anti-republican  dogmas, 
so  unbhishing  in  their  attacks  upon  our  institu- 
tions, that  we  are  often  led  to  exclaim,  wiiat 
does  this  mean?  Are  these  men  fools,  or  mad- 
men? or  are  they  so  strong  iu  their  support 
from  abroad,  that  they  feel  secure  in  bearding 
American  freemen  in  their  own  homes?  The 
latter  supposition  alone  satisfactorily  explains 
their  conduct.  Austria  is  now  playing  a  des- 
perate game  against  liberty,  for  the  safety  of 
her  own  throne,  and  for  that  of  her  allies.  It  is 
the  last  hazard,  and  her  object  is  gained  if  she 
can  destroy  the  influence  of  our  prosperity 
upon  the  people  of  Europe,  a«  prosperity  the 
natural  result  of  our  popular  free  institutions ; 
and  this  latter  object  is  effected,  if,  hy  any 
}?ieans,  no  matter  how,  riot  and  disorder  can 
be  produced  in  this  country,  to  be  pointed  at  as 
the  effect  of  republican  government.  Amer- 
icans !  Friends  to  liberty !  Friends  of  order  ! 
examine  this  subject,  and  decide  with  your 
usual  sagacity  and  discretion.  You  have  a 
busy,  a  crafty,  a  powerful,  a  dangerous  set  of 
foreign  leaders  controllins;  and  commanding  a 
foreiofn  population,  io;norant  and  infatuated, 
intermixed   with    your   own   population,   and 


APPENDIX.  179 

who,  at  a  single  signal  from  the  Pope,  or  from 
Metternich,  when  the  cause  of  despotism  shall 
require  the  deed,  cati  spread  disorder  and  riot 
through  all  your  borders. 

Shrink  not,  Americans,  from  looking  at  the 
truth.  You  may  boast  of  your  peace  and  pros- 
perity ;  you  hold  them  both,  at  this  moment^ 
at  tJce  mercy  of  Austria  !  She  has  a  disci- 
plined band  of  foreigners  in  the  midst  of  you, 
who,  in  any  season  of  excitement,  she  can 
make  to  fill  your  streets  and  dwelhngs  with  fear 
and  confusion.  She  may  not  think  it  prudent 
or  expedient  just  now  to  exercise  her  power, 
but  she  has  the  power,  through  Popish  priests, 
who  hold  in  cheeky  at  their  jdeasure^  the  ele- 
ments of  discord^  and  whose  favor  you  are 
compelled  humbly  to  conciliate  as  tJie  price  of 
your  tranquillity.  And  this  power  is  daily  in- 
creasino^,  not  merely  by  foreign  emigration, 
and  foreign  money,  but,  with  the  deepest  shame 
be  it  spoken,  by  the  assistance,  direct  and  indi- 
rect, of  Protestant  Republican  Americans,  who, 
with  a  facility  most  marvellous,  fall  into  every 
snare  and  pleasant  baited  trap  that  Popery 
spreads  for  them. 


*  * 

* 


*  As  the  last  sheet  was  printing,  an  article 
of  intelligence  was  received,  bearins^  important- 
ly on  the  subject  of  this  volume.  Bishop  Eng- 
land, the  busy  Jesuit  whom  I  have  had  occa- 
sion before  to  notice,  has  just  put  forth  an  ad- 
dress to  his  Diocese  at  Charleston,  on  his  re- 


180  APPENDIX. 

turn  from  Europe,  from  which  we  make  the 
following  extracts : 

"  During  my  absence  I  have  not  been  negli- 
gent of  the  concerns  of  this  Diocese.  1  have 
endeavored  to  interest  in  its  behalf  several  em- 
inent and  dignijied  personages  V'honi  I  had, 
the  good  fortune  to  meet  ;  and  have  continued 
to  impress  with  a  conviction  of  the  propriety 
of  continuing  their  generous  aid,  the  adminis- 
tration of  those  societies  from  which  it  haspre- 
viously  received  valuable  snccour.  In  Paris 
and  at  Lyons  I  have  conversed  ivith  those  ex- 
cellent men  who  manage  the  affairs  of  the  As- 
sociation for  yropagatins:;  tlie  Faith.  This 
year  their  grant  to  this  Diocese  has  been  lar- 
ger than,  usn.al.  I  have  also  had  opportunities 
of  comnncni cation,  IV ith  some  of  the  Council 
u'hich  administers  the  Austrian  Association ; 
they  continue  to  feel  an  interest  in  our  con- 
cerns. The  Propaganda  in  Rome,  thongh 
greatly  embarrassed,  owing  to  the  former  plun- 
der of  its  funds  by  rapacious  infidels,  has  this 
^rear  contributed  to  our  extraordinary  expendi- 
ture ;  as  has  the  holy  father  himself,  in  the 
kindest  manner,  from  the  scanty  stock  which 
constitutes  his  private  allowance  ;  but  which 
he  economizes  to  the  utmost  for  the  purpose  of 
being  able  to  devote  the  savings  to  works  of 
pietv,  of  charity,  and  of  literature. 

''The  prelates  of  the  Church  of  Ireland,  are 
ready,  as  far  as  our  hierarchy  shall  require  their 
co-operation,  to  give  to  them  their  best  exer- 
tions in  selecting  and  forv/arding  from  amongst 
the  numerous  aspirants  to  the  sacred  ministry 


APPENDIX.  181 

that  are  found  in  the  island  of  saints^  (Ireland,) 
a  sufficient  number  of  those  properly  qualifiea 
to  supply  our  deficiencies.  I  have  had  very 
many  applications,  and  accepted  a  few,  who,  I 
trust,  have  been  judiciously  selected^ 

We  hav^e  here  additional  confirmation,  if  any 
were  wanted,  that  in  countries  where  Church 
and  State  are  closely  united,  and  where  conse- 
quently eveiy  religious  association  (totally  un- 
like our  reliofious  associations,  which  have  no 
comiexion  with  the  Government)  is  directly 
connected  with  political  objects,  there  is  a  great 
and  special  effort  making  to  effect  certain  ob- 
jects in  the  United  States.  AVe  have  no  less 
than  three  great  societies,  all  formed  to  operate 
on  this  country.  THEY  say  religiously,  but 
let  Americans,  who  know  that  Austria  makes 
no  movement  which  is  not  intended  for  politi-^/ 
cal  effect,  judge  whether  religious  benevolencej 
towards  this  benighted  land,  or  a  deeper  and! 
more  earthly  feeling  of  political  self-preserva-| 
tion  prompts  her  "  continued  feeling  ofinier']! 
est  in  our  conceryis^ 
16 


183  APPENDIX. 


The  rules  of  the  Leopold  Foundation, 

.THE  LETTER  OfBiSHOP  FeNWICK,  OfOhIO, 

TO  THE  Emperor  of  Austria,  and  Prince 
Metternich's   answer,  are  appended. 

Rules  of  the  institution  erected  under  the 
name  of  the  Leopold  Foundation,,  for  aid- 
ing Catholic  missions  in  America,,  hy  con- 
tributions in  the  Austrian  empire. 

1.  The  objects  of  the  institution,  nndei*  the 
name  of  the  Leopold  Foundation,  are,  (a)  To 
promote  the  greater  activity  of  Catholic  mis- 
sions in  America;  (b)  To  edify  Christians  by 
enhsting;  them  in  the  work  of  propag-atiiig  the 
Church  of  Jesus  Christ  in  the  remote  parts  of 
the  earth  ;  (c)  To  preserve  in  lastinsf  remem- 
brance her  deceased  Majesty,  Leopoldina,  Em- 
press of  Brazil,  born  Archduchess  of  Austria. 

2.  The  means  selected  to  attain  these  ends, 
are  Prayer  and  Alms. 

3.  Every  member  of  this  religions  institution 
engages  daily  to  olfer  one  Pater  and  Ave,  with 
the  addition  :  "  St.  Leopold !  pray  for  tis" 
and  every  week  to  contribute  a  crucifix  ;  and 
thus  by  this  small  sacrifice  of  prayer  and  alms, 
to  concur  in  the  great  work  of  promoting  the 
true  faith.  As,  however,  every  one  is  free  to 
enroll  himself  in  this  society,  he  may  also  leave 
it  at  pleasure. 

4.  Every  ten  members  shall  appoint  one  of 
their  number  a  Collector,  to  receive  the  weekly 


APPENDIX.  183 

alms.  The  collector  shall  see  that  the  small 
number  of  his  company,  after  the  death  or  re- 
moval of  any,  is  filled  up.  The  alms  collected 
shall  be  paid  monthly,  by  the  collector,  to  the 
parish  minister  of  his  district. 

5.  Every  parish  minister  shall  pay  over,  as 
opportimity  oiferSjthe  alms  collected  in  the  man- 
ner prescribed,  to  the  deacon,  (in  Hungary  the 
vice  archdeacon,)  and  he  to  his  most  reverend 
ordinariate. 

6.  If  any  one  intends  a  greater  sum  for  this 
pious  end,  and  that  to  he  paid  at  once,  his  alms 
may  be  given  either  to  the  parish  minister,  with 
his  own  inscription  inserted  in  the  rubric  de- 
signed, or  to  the  deacon,  (or  vice-deacon.)  or 
immediately  to  the  most  reverend  ordinariate. 

7.  The  most  illustrious  and  reverend  lords 
bishops  of  the  whole  empire  are  fully  author- 
ized to  forv/ard  the  alms  thus  obtained,  from 
time  to  time,  to  the  central  direction  of  this  re- 
ligious institution,  at  Vienna. 

8.  The  central  direction  at  Vienna  under- 
takes the  grateful  office  of  carrying  into  eftect 
this  pious  work,  under  the  protection  of  his 
most  sacred  majesty,  and  in  connexion  with 
Frederick  Rese,  now  Vicar-General  of  the  Cin- 
cinnati bishopric  in  North  America,  and  of 
employing  the  funds  in  the  most  efficacious 
manner  to  promote  the  glory  of  God  and  true 
faith  in  Jesus  Christ ;  so  that  the  alms  collect- 
ed by  means  of  the  most  reverend  ordinariates, 
or  those  sent  immediately  to  them,  shall  be  con- 
scientiously applied,  and  in  the  most  economi- 
cal manner,  to  the  urgent  wants  of  American 


184  APPENDIX. 

missions,  as  they  are  made  known  by  authentic 
accounts  and  careful  investigation. 

9.  The  central  direction  will  see  that  all  the 
members  of  the  society,  lor  their  spiritual  con- 
solation, and  in  reward  for  their  pious  zeal, shall 
bo  constantly  informed  of  the  progress  and 
fruits  of  their  munificence,  as  well  as  of  the 
state  of  the  Catholic  Religion  in  America,  ac- 
cording to  the  accounts  received. 

10.  The  Leopold  Foundation,  being  a  pri- 
vate religious  institution,  the  central  direction 
will  solemnly  celebrate  the  feast  of  the  immac- 
ulate conception  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  the  uni- 
versal patroness  of  all  religions  assemblies,  as  the 
feast  of  the  Foundation;  but  will  also  celebrate 
the  feast  of  St.  Leopold  Marchion,  the  given 
nam.e  of  the  Empress  Leopoldina  and  special 
patroness  of  this  institution ;  and  also  every 
year  on  the  11th  of  December,  (the  anniversa 
ry  day  of  the  death  of  I^eopoldina,  Empress  of 
Brazil,)  it  will  see  that  the  solemn  mass  for  the 
dead  be  said  for  the  repose  of  her  soul,  and  all 
the  souls  of  the  deceased  patrons  and  benefac- 
tors of  the  institution  called  by  her  name,  all 
the  members  being  invited  to  unite  their  pious 
prayers  with  the  prayers  of  the  Direction. 

11.  His  Holiness,  Pope  Leo  XIL  eleven  days 
before  his  most  pious  death,  having  declared 
his  approbation  of  the  institution  (which  must 
serv^e  as  a  great  incitement  to  all  good  chris- 
tians) did  grant  to  its  members  large  indulgen- 
ces, in  an  express  letter,  the  publication  of 
which,  being  graciously  permitted  by  his  ma- 
jesty on  the  14th  of  April,  was  made  by  the 


APPENDIX.  ,  185 

most  reverend  ordinariates,  to  wit :  "fall  indul- 
gence  to  each  member  on  the  day  he  joins  the 
society,  also  on  the  8th  December,  also  on  the 
day  of  the  feast  of  St.  Leopoldina,  and  once  a 
month  if  through  the  former  month  he  shall 
have  daily  said  a  Pater  and  Ave,  and  the 
words  :  Sancte  Leopolde  !  ora  pro  nobis,  (St. 
Leopold,  pray  for  us,)  and  on  condition  that  af- 
ter sincere  confession  he  partake  of  the  sacra- 
ment of  the  Holy  Eucharist,  and  pray  to  God  in 
some  public  church  for  the  unity  of  Christian 
princes,  the  extirpation  of  heresies,  and  the  in- 
crease of  Holy  Mother  church." 

12.  The  most  serene  and  eminent  Arch 
Duke  Cardinal  Rudolphus,  Archbishop  of  01- 
mulz,  has  kindly  taken  the  supreme  direction 
of  the  Leopold  Foundation,  and  appointed  the 
most  hioh  and  reverend  lord  prince  archbishop 
of  Vienna  his  locum  tenens.  Vienna,  12  May, 
1829. 

THE  pope's  letter  OF  APPROBATION. 

The  following  is  the  letter  of  approbation  o{ 
Pope  Leo  XH.  referred  to  above. 

Be  it  remembered,  Although  there  are  many 
things  wdiich  disturb  and  grieve  our  mind  in 
the  most  weighty  discharge  of  our  apostieship, 
while  we  learn  that  some  are  not  only  opposed 
to  the  catholic  religion,  but  seek  to  draw  others 
also  into  error ;  yet  the  God  of  all  consolation 
does  not  suffer  us  to  be  without  solace,  but  al- 
leviates the  labors,  cares,  and  anxieties  which 
we  continually  bear.  This  has  recently  hap- 
16* 


186  APPENDIX. 

pened,  and  we  are  filled  with  the  highest  joy, 
on  hearing  that  in  the  kingdom  of  our  well  be- 
loved  son  in  Christ,  Francis  I.,  Emperor  of 
Austria  and  King  of  Hungary,  a  society  has 
been  formed  called  the  "Leopold  Foundation," 
which  is  designed  to  aid  the  cause  of  missions. 
For  what  is  more  useful  to  a  christian  communi- 
ty, what  is  more  excellent  than  by  the  preaching 
the  word  of  God  to  confirm  the  just,  and  to  lead 
the  wandering  from  the  paths  of  vice  to  those 
of  salvation  ?  And  indeed,  as  the  Apostle  says, 
"  How  shall  they  believe  on  him  of  whom  they 
have  not  heard?  and  how  shall  they  hear  with- 
out a  preacher,  and  how  shall  they  preach  ex- 
cept they  be  sent  ?"  ,  We,  therefore,  desiring  to 
favor,  as  far  as  God  permits,  such  a  society,  do 
with  a  ready  and  willino;  mind  grant  the  re- 
quests which  have  been  made  for  the  endow- 
ment of  the  same  with  some  holy  indulgences. 
Therefore,  trusting  in  the  mercy  of  Almighty 
God,  and  the  authority  of  Peter  and  Paul,  his 
apostles,  we  grant  to  all  the  truly  penitent  co- 
operators  in  this  society,  who  shall  confess  their 
sins,  and  partake  of  the  feast  of  the  Lord's  body 
on  the  day  on  which  they  shall  be  received  into 
the  society,  full  indulgence  and  remission  of  all 
their  sins.  Also,  we  grant  full  indulgence  to 
them  after  they  shall  have  been  cleansed  from 
the  pollutions  of  life  by  holy  confession,  and  re- 
ceived the  eucharist,  on  the  8th  day  of  Decem- 
ber, also  on  the  day  of  the  feast  of  St.  Leopold, 
and  once  every  month,  provided  that  every  day 
during  the  previous  month  they  shall  have  said 
the  Lard's  prayer,  the  salutation  of  the  angeJ, 


APPENDIX.  187 

and  the  words,  '=  St.  Leopold,  pray  for  us,"  and 
in  some  public  church  have  said  pious  prayers 
to  God  for  t!ie  harmony  of  Christian  princes, 
the  extirpation  of  heresies,  and  the  glory  of 
Holy  Mother  Church.  These  letters  we  en- 
dow with  perpetual  etficacy  ;  and  we  order  that 
the  same  authority  be  given  to  the  copies  of 
them,  signed  by  the  public  notary  and  sealed 
with  the  seal  of  the  person  of  proper  ecclesias- 
tical dignity,  as  is  given  to  our  permission  in 
this  very  diploma. 

Dated  at  Rome,  at  St.  Peter's,  jinder  the  ring 
of  the  fisherman,  on  the  30th  day  of  January, 
1829.  in  the  sixth  year  of  our  Pontificate. 

T.  CAPvD.  BERNETTl. 

This  apostolic  letter  is  sanctioned  by  the  roy- 
al leave. 

By  his  Sacred  Imperial  Royal  Majesty,     ' 
VINCENTIUS  SCHUBERT. 

Vienna,  2Cth  April,  1829. 


First  Report  of  the  Leopold  Foundation 
IN  THE  Austrian  Empire,  for  the  sup- 
port OF  Catholic  Missions  in  America. 


«  « 


The  members  of  the  Leopold  Founda- 
tion are  united  to  aid,  by  their  prayers  and 
their  contributions,  the  messengers  of  God  in 
America,  in  building^  churches,  foundingr  clois- 
ters, establishing  schools,  and  in  providing  all 
that  is  essential  for  the  performance  of  divine 
worship. 


*  *  * 


188  APPENDIX. 

We  shall  first  give  a  view  of  what  the  Leo- 
pold Foundation  has  done  from  its  estal)lishment 
to  the  end  of  October,  1830  ;  then  will  follow 
accoants  from  the  missions.  The  institu- 
tion went  into  operation  on  the  13th  of  May, 
1829.  The  constitution,  and  the  addresses  de- 
livered on  the  day  of  its  establishment,  were 
translated  into  the  different  languages  of  our 
monarchy,  and  sent  in  great  numbers  to  the 
various  dioceses,  to  give  publicity  to  tlie  un- 
dertaki[ig.  In  Vienna,  an  office  was  opened, 
which  was  given  to  tlie  society  free  of  rent  by 
the  Prior  of  the  Dominicans.  The  result  soon 
appeared  in  contributions  from  all  quarters  to 
the  central  treasury,  exhibiting  a  hvely  proof 
of  the  zeal  and  efi'orts  of  priests  and  people  to 
advance  the  kinsrdom  God  on  earth.  Before 
giving  a  statement  of  the  receipts  and  expendi- 
tures, we  cannot  withhold  the  letter  which  the 
pious  bishop  of  Cincinnati,  in  North  America, 
Mr.  Edward  Fenwick — (whose  Vicar- General, 
Frederick  Rese,  as  is  known  to  you  all,  by  his 
visit  to  Vienna,  gave  occasion  to  the  formation 
of  our  pious  society) — wrote  to  his  majesty, 
our  all-gracious  Emperor,  who  had  patronised 
the  Society  of  the  Leopold  Foundation,  together 
with  the  answer  which  in  the  name  of  his  Ma- 
jesty was  given  by  his  Serene  Highness,  the 
Chancellor  of  State,  Prince  Metternich. 


APPENDIX.  189 

Letter  of  the  Bishop  of  Cincinnati  to  his  Ma' 
jestt/,  the  Efnperor  of  A  ustria. 

Cincinnati,  15th  Jaimaiyj  1830. 

Sire, 

May  it  please  your  Majesty  to  receive  the 
most  respectful  homage  of  a  man  who  is  pene- 
trated with  feehngs  oJf  gratitude  for  the  good 
will  and  distinguished  zeal  of  your  Imperial 
Majesty,  for  the  Catliolic  religion.  We  feel 
ourselves  irresistibly  led  to  express  to  your  Im- 
perial Majesty,  the  consolation  derived  by  the 
assembled  bishops  and  directors  of  missions  in 
Am^erica,  at  the  recent  news,  that  in  the  states  of 
your  Imperial  Majesty,  a  society  has  been  formed 
for  the  snpport  of  Catholic  Mwfeions  in  Ameri- 
ca. We  have  the  pleasure  also  to  mention  the 
safe  return  of  our  friend  and  Vicar-General, 
Mr.  Frederick  Rese, whose  apostolical  labors  and 
unwearied  zeal  are  above  all  praise.  He  brings 
me  the  most  gratifying  accounts  of  the  kindness 
with  which  he  was  received  and  honored  by 
pious  and  disting^uished  persons  in  your  impe- 
rial city,  especially  of  the  flattering  kindness 
with  which  he  was  received  by  your  Imperial 
Majesty,  who  was  pleased  to  lend  your  protec- 
tion to  the  pious  work  of  supplying  the  pressing 
wants  of  OLir  poor  missions,  and  our  new  dio- 
cese. We  venture  here  to  flatter  ourselves  that 
the  worthy  inheritor  of  the  virtues  of  St.  Leo- 
pold and  the  great  empress  Maria  Theresa, 
will  continue  to  support  us  in  oar  weak  endeav- 
ors to  extend  the  Catholic  religion  in  this  vast 
country,  destitute  of  all  spiritual  and  temporal 


190  APPENDIX. 

resources,  especially  among  the  Indian  tribes, 
who  form  an  important  part  of  onr  diocese. — 
We  will  not  fail,  daily  to  offer  up  our  poor 
prayers  to  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  the  king  of  heav- 
en, that  he  may  shed  his  richest  blessings  upon 
your  Imperial  Majesty,  your  illustrious  family, 
and  your  whole  kingdom.  Be  pleased  to  ac- 
cept graciously  this  expression  of  the  sincere 
gratitude  and  reverence  with  which  we  sub- 
scribe ourselves  your  Imperial  Majesty's  most 
grateful,  most  humblC;  and  most  obedient  ser- 
vant. 

Edward  Fen  wick. 

Bishop  of  Cincinnati  and  Apostolical  Administrator 
of  Michigan,  in  the  Northwest  Territory. 

Answer  of  his  Werene  Hlgluiess,  Prince  Met- 
ternichy  Chancellor  of  State  of  his  Imperial 
Majesty. 

Vienna,  April  27,  1830. 

Most  worthy  Bishop ! 

The  Austrian  consul-general  at  New  York  for- 
warded me  the  letter  which  your  grace  direct- 
ed to  the  Emperor,  my  most  illustrious  master, 
on  the  1 5th  of  January  of  this  year.  I  did  not 
delay  to  give  it  to  his  Majesty,  who  was  highly 
gratified  with  the  sentiments  expressed  in  it, 
and  commissioned  me  to  answer  your  grace. 

The  Emperor,  firmly  devoted  to  our  holy  re- 
ligion, feels  a  lively  joy  at  the  account  that  the 
truth  makes  rapid  progress  in  the  vast  countries 
of  North  America.  Convinced  of  the  irresisti- 
t)le  power  which  the  Catholic  doctrine  must 
necessarily  have  on  simple  and  un corrupted 


APPENDIX.  191 

hearts  and  minds,  when  its  truths  are  proclaim- 
ed by  truly  Apostolical  missionaries,  his  Impe- 
rial Majt^sty  cherishes  the  most  favorable  hopes 
of  the  pious  progress  which  our  holy  religion 
will  make  in  the  United  States  and  among  the 
Indian  tribes. 

The  Emperor  commissions  me  to  say  to  your 
grace,  that  he  cheerfully  allows  his  people  to 
contribute  to  the  support  of  the  Catholic  church- 
es in  America,  according  to  the  plan  laid  down 
by  your  worthy  vicar-general,  Mr.  Frederick 
Kese. 

While  I  discharge  myself  of  the  commission 
of  my  illustrious  master,  to  your  grace,  I  feel 
happy  in  being  his  organ,  and  beg  you  to  ac- 
cept the  assurance  of  the  sentiments  of  respect 
and  esteem,  with  which  I  remain,  your  grace's 
most  humble  and  most  obedient  servant. 

Prince  Von  Metternich. 


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